Army. 1 The English army is formed only by voluntary enlistments; no individual can be forced to take up arms but by an act declaring the country in danger, when a body of militia is draughted by lot. Every year the parliament fixes the number of regular troops; during war they are augmented by levies made in foreign countries. The defence of the colonies is entrusted to mercenaries collected from all nations, but the British regiments for home duty can be composed only of national troops. Mounted volunteers form a corps by the name of Yeomanry Cavalry, whose service may be compared to that of the French gendarmerie. We may remark that military offices, like civil employments, are, in a manner, the property of those individuals to whom they are confided; thus a colonel, or a captain, by observing certain formalities, may sell for money, his regiment or company. In the navy, promotions are made according to seniority. Seamen are enlisted for the navy, like soldiers for the land service. But in war, the government is often driven to the despotic and odious measure of impressment.

Character of the inhabitants of the British Isles.

The shades which mark the character of the three principal nations of the British Isles, are more strongly contrasted than those which distinguish the inhabitants of the different provinces of France, or the other European countries. We have shown, by a few historical details, that the long separation in which these nations have existed, has opposed an obstacle even greater than that occasioned by the difference of religion, to a perfect amalgamation. The English in general lead a life of great uniformity. An air of English. reserve and stiffness, and a formal etiquette, reign in the sa

loons of fashionable life, and even among members of the most intimate associations. The Englishman receives a stranger with politeness, but never with cordiality. An unreserved egotist, his civilities rather seek for a decent method of getting rid of his guest, than for the means of detaining him by any engaging solicitation. The custom in England of meeting together in clubs, has, perhaps, contributed much to create that blunt and serious character which distinguishes the men, while the females, living secluded from the other sex, maintain an air of reserve, which, among the French, would pass for a deficiency of good breeding. In England, all classes strive to possess the conveniences and luxuries of life. The inte rior of the peasant's dwelling has not the least resemblance to that of a French country house, The English rustic provides himself with neat and commodious furniture, and clothing equal to that of the city resident. Thus, at great popular meetings, or public solemnities, there are no means of distinguishing the villager from the citizen, the cultivator from the manufacturer, or the servant from his master. It has been remarked, that England is the country where a man has the least scruple in asking for or receiving money, and that, elsewhere, poverty is a misfortune, but in England a crime. England is, in fact, the land, in which a man is the most highly valued for his exterior. Merit cannot succeed here without the accompaniment of fortune.

Scotch.

The Scotchman is hospitable, religious, proud, enterprising, brave, and strongly wedded to his principles. There is a frivolity in his character, and he is easily excited, but his great obsequiousness often causes a doubt of his sincerity.

Irish.

The Irishman is intelligent, inconstant in his attachments, and ever in extremes both of friendship and enmity, but his manners are lively, brilliant, and agreeable. An English writer has characterized the three nations in the following terms. The Englishman is guided by habit; the Scotchman by reflection and impulse; the Irishman by impulse alone. The first is persevering, but slow; the second is more frivolous, but has more steadiness of mind; the last is variable as the breeze, and has nothing solid, he is a mere bag of wind. The Englishman in prospe

rity is haughty; the Scotchman meddlesome; the Irishman always vain. From the same authority we may learn the difference which exists in the legislation of the three kingdoms. In Scotland, a man is banished for a great crime; in England, for a small one, and in Ireland for the slightest offence. But among the exiles of New South Wales, the Irishman would become an excellent citizen, the Englishman a tolerable one, while the Scotchman would remain incorrigible.

[By the American Editor.]

WHILE these sheets are in preparation, the tidings reach us of events in England so interesting in their character, and opening such additional views of the future fortunes of the British empire, that it would be unpar donable in us not to detain the reader at this last stage of our progress, by dwelling a few moments upon them. The fate of this great monarchy, whether for good or for evil, is a subject of absorbing interest to all parts of the civilized world, and the influence of the political changes, which we are assured can no longer be avoided in England, must be felt wherever her physical or moral power prevails. That country endured the shock of the European revolution, without any manifest injury to her social institutions, and while almost every other nation of Europe was subjected to political changes, the effects of which are still in powerful operation, England survived, and saw none of her ancient institutions unsettled. Her good fortune and immense resources carried her through the tremendous struggle with so proud a triumph, that common observers were far from seeing in her splendid military and raval achievements, the secret and sure causes of her subsequent decline. The shrewdest did but observe some lowering clouds of uncertainty which hung over a prospect so fair and flattering, but recent events have developed a new symptom in the operation of the po litical system, which seems to point clearly to a consummation of the most momentous character. England, in short, if we believe the united decla rations of Whig and Tory, of lord and commoner, of those who desire and those who deprecate the coming event; England is about to undergo a revolution, partial it may be, and bloodless, but a revolution from which she can not retrograde, and assuredly will not pass through without experiencing great and permanent changes.

The constitution of England was the growth of successive ages, and altered from time to time, as the progress of general knowledge or the immediate exigencies of the day called for new developments. Containing thus within itself the seed and element of change, it may be regarded as exhibiting at any given period, and with more or less fidelity in the likeness, a copy of the political improvements of the time. By accommodating itself in this manner to the march of events in its practical operation, while its outward and visible forms remained untouched, the admirers of the British constitution have been led to ascribe its permanent endurance and successful operation to the mere tangible shape and letter of the system, rather than to its gradual mutation of spirit and temper, and have mistaken the mechanical for the moral part of the machine. Hence the preservation of the ancient forms of the constitution has been an object of prime solicitude with the British statesmen, impressed with the belief that an adherence to these forms would alone secure the stability of the government. But the popular spirit, which, since the accession of the Stuarts, had been gradually gaining ground in England, has at length attained to a mighty power and intensity, and is at this moment essaying to burst in pieces the iron frame work of feudality which has so long embarrassed its struggles. In other words,

the current of public opinion, either openly proclaimed or secretly cherished, sets so strongly toward a more liberal government than any thing which the actual system is likely to afford them, that we are warranted in believing the present constitution of England cannot last. A thorough reform is called for, which will not spare the prescriptions of time, or the claims of hereditary succession.

We have said that this constitution has changed with the social improvements of the people: this is only true with regard to its general career: the progress of liberal opinions has languished or been checked from time to time, and the monarchical spirit against which it has been striving, has occasionally thrown the current backward: but all resistance has in the end yielded to its power. The republican spirit sympathized with us in our struggle for independence, and although repressed for a time by the strong arm of government, it finally drove lord North from the cabinet, and left the king without power to carry on the war. It is not saying too much to assert that the treaty of independence was owing as much to the progress of liberal ideas in England as to the victories of Saratoga and Yorktown. The French revolution further assisted the growth of republican doctrines, although its bloody catastrophe, and the vigorous measures of Mr. Pitt, prevented their leading to any practical results. The wars, moreover, of this eventful period, by withdrawing the minds of the people from the domestic concerns of government, and exciting anew their ancient national prejudices against a foreign enemy, had a sensible effect in saving for the time the aristocratical abuses in the government from the assaults of the political reformers. The British oligarchy, who were squandering the millions of their national treasure in a crusade for the defence of the principle of legitimate monarchy, were little aware that the loads they were adding to the enormous national debt of England, would prove millstones for their own necks. That this will be the result, there can be little doubt; the distresses of the people have now become intolerable, and the belief is unchangeably fixed, that these distresses are the result of imperfections in the government: upon this belief the people are now acting, and will continue to act till the oligarchy is overthrown.

The commencement of the present excitement in favour of parliamentary reform, may be dated at the period of the late Parisian revolution. For a great number of years it had been thought by many of the more liberal among the British statesmen, a flagrant abuse of the representative principle, that the populous and wealthy cities of modern origin should be denied the right of representation, while the decayed boroughs, though with hardly an inhabitant, continued to send their full number to the House of Commons; and that three-fourths of that body, which claimed to be a representation of the people, should hold their offices through the influence of the government and a few wealthy individuals. A conviction of the absurdity of such a system gradually gained ground, and attempts to introduce reform were essayed from time to time, but with little prospect of success, till the events of the three days at Paris struck a sudden panic into the aristocratical party, to whom the spectacle of such a triumph of the popular spirit was an omen of the result of the struggle at home, not to be disregarded. Those who had been constant and inflexible in their opposition to the demands of the reformers, began to tremble lest the object might be ravished from them by force, were it any longer withheld; while the popular party, cheered on by the example before them, pressed forward to their aim with new hope and resolution. A reform in parliament was loudly called for in all parts of the country, The voice of the people was decidedly for it, and the demand was made with a firmness and significance of tone not to be slighted. If we consider the motives which led each individual to espouse the new doctrines, we shall not be surprised at the result, when we find a vast majority of the nation enlisted on their

side. The whig embraced reform from principle and internal conviction both of its justness and necessity. The tory, in the dread of a revolution, saw in reform the means of averting a worse evil, and would throw it as a sop to the Cerberus of radicalism. The noble trembled for his order, and the rich proprietor for his possessions; while the three hundred thousand annuitants of the exchequer, partaking in the general alarm, could not be ignorant that the slightest shock to public credit would accomplish their ruin. On the meeting of parliament in the latter part of 1830, it was soon perceived that the whig party had a majority. The Duke of Wellington was forced to quit office, and a whig ministry came into the cabinet, it being more than twenty years since that party had directed the councils of the nation. This may be said to constitute a new era in the political history of the country. The new ministry came into office pledged to parliamentary reform, and nothing less could be looked for at their hands, than a systematic removal of all notorious abuses in the government, and such an essential modification of its features, as should adapt it to the immediate wants and improved intelligence of the times. The Wellington ministry, although professing to act upon pure tory principles, had made an important concession in this quarter, by allowing the claims of the Catholics; but this was done avowedly with the dread of rebellion before their eyes, and in the utter incapacity of carrying on the government without some such concession to the popular demands. The new ministry, however, are bound to the popular cause not more by a wish to quiet the prevailing discontents, than by their own avowed principles. No half measures or temporary shifts would have satisfied the nation, after the promise which their pledges and known character had held out. In this state of things, the ministers brought forward their celebrated Reform Bill, which is now under discussion in parliament, and is agitating the nation with more intense and absorbing interest, than any subject of debate which has come before them in modern times. By this bill it is proposed to disfranchise sixty of the decayed boroughs, and to transfer their privileges to the great cities and other parts hitherto without representatives, or unequally represented. With what hopes, the prospect of this change inspires one class, and with what fears it appals another, we may judge by the language they hold.

The friends of reform maintain that it will be the salvation of the country; that the borough system, which the reform cuts up by the roots, is a distorted and diseased member of the political system, infecting the sound body of the constitution, and embarrassing its free operation; but the removal of which would immediately restore health and orderly movement to its whole frame. That this measure holds in its right hand a gift to heal every discontent and restore universal quiet. That if the measure is accepted, the whole resources of the people will, for the first time, without let or hindrance, be brought into active exertion. That peace at home and prosperity abroad, will bless the land with their sure effects; and the times of discord and mutual distrust, which have preceded the happy change, will only be remembered to make the enjoyment of the present more grateful, and the determination to remain contented and united more firm.

On the other hand, the opponents of the measure assert, that it strikes at the very roots of the government, and will infallibly lead to its overthrow. That it is in fact a revolution, being the first step in a series of

In addition to this change, it is proposed to deprive of one member each, forty-seven additional boroughs, whose population falls short of 4,000: to reduce the representation of two others from four to two members; and in the remaining boroughs, to withdraw the privilege of returning the members from the corporations, and vest it in the householders.

VOL. V.-5 K

measures which must follow each other in a natural and unavoidable sequence, till the consummation is reached in a complete prostration of all that is powerful and wealthy in the land, more than realizing the aims of the wildest leveller of the day. That a concession to the popular clamour would be regarded as a proof of weakness in the government; and so far from appeasing it, would only encourage its insolence. That this or any other moderate scheme of reform, could not procure for the country one brief interval of repose, or be permitted to work on unassailed by any disturbing force, till it reached its natural and fatal crisis. That reform, any thing like that which is now talked of as reform, once commenced, can never stand still. That the boldest advocates of the measure make no scruple of declaring, that not a foot of ground can be conceded to them, on which they will not be able to plant a lever for displacing their enemies from another. That when the present reform is granted, it will no longer rest with the government to check the fury of popular encroachment. That only a step or two beyond the present reform, would lead to the climax of universal suffrage, and annual parliaments; a climax, which would place the immense wealth of Great Britain, in all its vast and complicated relations, within the hands of that physical power, whose influence is now so much dreaded. That such a legislature would strip the peerage of its hereditary honours and privileges, and finish by overturning the throne. That the course now proposed by the ministry, leads infallibly to this result, and that the first step in this course will be irretrievable.

Such are the views entertained of the impending crisis, by those who direct the two great organs of public opinion in political matters. The heat with which the controversy is urged, assures us that the disputants deem no ordinary interest at stake. The fate of the Reform Bill is dubious, and it would be idle to speculate upon its effects with any confidence, supposing it to pass. That it must lead to momentous consequences, we have no shadow of doubt; and we have little faith in its efficacy for healing discontents, while the effects of the Catholic emancipation are before our eyes. On the other hand, events of no small moment must attend its rejection, an occurrence which would break up the existing cabinet. Of what materials a ministry could be composed, that might be able to carry on the government in such a juncture, is beyond our sagacity to divine. England is on the eve of a great catastrophe. BOSTON, OCTOBER, 1831.

STATISTICAL TABLES.

ENGLAND.

Containing the Counties, with their Population: the Chief Towns, with their Population: number of Parishes, and Members sent to Parliament.