what they derive from the employment of fuch a.. capital. The idleness of the greater part of the people who are maintained by the expence of revenue, corrupts, it is probable, the industry of. those who ought to be maintained by the employment of capital; and renders it lefs advantageous to employ a capital there, than in other places. "There was little trade or industry in Edinburgh, "before the Union. When the Scotch Parliament,

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was no longer to be affembled in it, when it ceafed "to be the neceffary refidence of the principal nobi

い

lity, and gentry of Scotland, it became a city of

fome trade, and induftry. It ftill, however, con

"tinues to be the refidence of the principal Courts of Juftice in Scotland, of the Boards of Cuftoms "and Excife, &c. A confiderable revenue, there"fore, itill continues to be spent in it." And what is the confequence? "In trade and industry it is "much inferior to Glasgow; the inhabitants of

which are chiefly maintained by the employment "of capital. The inhabitants of a large village, it has fometimes been obferved, after having made "confiderable progrefs in manufactures, have become idle and poor, in confequence of a great "Lord's having taken up his refidence in their neighbourhood."

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Such are the facts which this intelligent writer has collected, and the fair conclufion which he deduces from them is this, that "the proportion between

46

capital and revenue feems every where to regulate the proportion between indufiry and idleness. "Wherever capital predominates, induftry prevails: "wherever

"wherever revenue, idleness. Therefore every in"crease of capital," (and diminution of the relative proportion of revenue,)" naturally tends to increase "the real quantity of induftry,-the value of the "annual produce of the land and labour of the country, the real wealth of all its inhabitants."* Such is the reasoning with which this acute writer has obviated the apprehenfions of our metropolis; and, by anticipation, recommended the present fyftem to its acceptance. A fyftem, which as well on principle, as from the example of Edinburgh, he (a Scotchman) infers would inftead of injuring, advance the trade of Dublin; and one, under which its opulence being derived from the employment of capital, not the fquanderings of revenue,-a fund would thus be raised for the reward of induftry, inftead of that which is now perverted to the encouragement of diffipation.

Thefe arguments will weigh nothing with those, who would rather receive payment for being idle, than for being laborious: with thofe who contemplate with pleasure the splendour of their native city erected on the bafis of its luxury and vice; and are at this moment perhaps employed in exciting its starving manufacturers, against the system which would feed them; and in favour of that under which they famish: with those who accustomed to live on the scramble of faction, or by the arts of corrupt intrigue, are reluctant to part with the warehouse, and implements of their calling, deftitute as they are of talents, principles,

* Inquiry into the Nature and Caufes of the Wealth of Nations, book 2, chapter 3.

principles, or habits, which might enable them to gain their livelihood by fome better means: with thofe in fhort who can, without blushing, afk pernaifhion to fatten on the mileries of their impoverished countryanbor

But there are men, with whom fuch reafoning will have weight: who fee nothing defirable in a fituation where the lower ranks of fociety feed upon the vices of the higher orders, and are infected; and where, that the métropolis may not lofe the fplendours of its parliament, the peafant, fuffering the penalties of our general want of industry and capital, must pine away his life in a hovel scarcely human; or yielding to the inftigation of fome bufy traitor,perhaps terminate it ignominiously, a prey to those feductions, to which his wretchedness and ignorance had but too much expofed him. Such men will eagerly embrace a change, which will build the grandeur of the city on the morals of its inhabitants; and even lay its broad and patriotic foundations in the general profperity and virtue of the land.

The propofed measure of legislative Union will. promote the trade and manufactures of Ireland in two ways: it will beftow upon us what we have not; and fecure to us what we have. First, it will remove the political impediments, which at prefent obftruct our commercial progrefs; and "give us the

means of improving our great natural resources. "It will communicate to us all the commercial ad"vantages, which Great Britain poffeffes: will open "the markets of the one country to the other; and "by giving them both the common use of their ca

"pital,

"pital, diffuse a large portion of wealth into Ire"land." *Secondly, "it will both confirm, by irre"vocable compact, that profitable trade which wel: "enjoy at prefent; and by identifying the interefts "of the united countries, will give us a fecurity for "its continuance, worth a thousand contracts." † 3

That Union muft produce the first of these effects, feems to me to be already fufficiently proved; and upon that point I shall only add, (calling in au-* thority to the aid of truth,) that Adam Smith long fince pronounced, that Union would produce to Ireland the most important benefits, both civil and commercial; and that Dean Tucker conceived it to be fo advantageous to our trade, that his object was to conquer British prejudice. He fought to reconcile the narrow-minded of that nation to a measure, which, though it must materially serve this country, yet-as it would identify the interefts of the two imperial ftates, and ftrengthen that empire which they composed, and whofe fecurity was their own,-ought not to be impeded by selfish confiderations, and fhould be the wish of every difinterested patriot in England. To these should beg to add the authority of my esteemed friend Mr. Redford; the unsulli ed integrity of whose character would render his fupport a valuable acquifition; even though the work which he has published in favour of Union, were less replete with found, and persuasive reasoning, and with pertinent and material facts, than to my underftanding it seems to be. But above all, I would add the authority of a perfon, who on fuch a fubject is furely

furely entitled to be heard with peculiar attention; and who has publickly and exprefsly declared it to be his opinion, "that a Union would benefit both "the landed and commercial interefts of Ireland."*

I fhall therefore proceed at once to confider briefly the second operation to be expected from this meafure, viz. the fecuring that trade which we poffefs already.

In order to calculate the benefits of Union in this respect, we should consider, first, whether our prefent commercial intercourfe with Great Britain be fo advantageous to this country, as to be worth preserving; and secondly, whether its continuance depends on covenant, or is precarious: if the latter, we must defire a measure which will secure it.

In eftimating" the comparative utility of different "branches of national commerce," and affigning "to the feveral kinds, and divifions of foreign trade, "their respective degrees of public importance," we shall find "the first place belong to the exchange "of wrought goods, for raw materials; because this "traffic provides a market for the labour that has already been expended; at the fame time that it fupplies materials for new industry.” †

Again, "the balance of trade is faid to be against, or in favour of a country, as it tends to carry money out, or to bring it in: that is, according

* See the Speech of the Right Hon. David Latouche, in the debate of January 15th, 1800, as printed in the Dublin Journal of January 31ft.

+ Paley's Moral and Political Philosophy, book 6th. chap. 11th.