think it their duty further to state to his majesty, that, whilst this house has seen with satisfaction in the course of this inquiry, the unexampled regularity and method with which the business of the commander-in-chief has been conducted under the direction of his royal highness; and also the many salutary and efficient regulations which have been introduced into the army, during his command of it; some of which regulations have been specially directed to prevent those very abuses which, in the course of this inquiry, have been brought under the notice of the House of Commons; they could not but feel the most serious regret and concern, that a connection should ever have existed, under the cover of which, transactions of a highly criminal and disgraceful nature have been carried on, and that an opportunity has been afforded of falsely and injuriously coupling with such transactions the name of his royal highness, whereby the integrity of his conduct in the discharge of the duties of his high office has been brought into question that it is, however, a great consolation to this house to observe the deep regret and concern which his royal highness has himself expressed on the subject of that connection; as from the expression of that regret, on the part of his royal highness, this house derives the confident assurance that his royal highness will henceforth invariably keep in view that bright example of virtuous conduct which the uniform tenor of his majesty's life, during the course of his whole reign, has uniformly afforded to his whole subjects, and

which has so much endeared his majesty to the affections of every rank and description of his people." Such was the course which the Chancellor of the Exchequer recommended to the house, instead of the address proposed by colonel Wardle, for removing his royal highness from his office; and having thus put the house in possession of what he intended to submit to it, he yielded to its impatience, and moved an adjournment, which was agreed to.

Mr.

House of Commons, March 9. The order of the day being read for resuming the adjourned debate on the evidence taken before the House of Commons respecting the conduct of the Duke of York, the Chancellor of the Exchequer resumed his speech, which lasted for several hours, and was followed by Mr. Bathurst, Mr. Whitbread, the Attorney General (Sir Vicary Gibbs) and Mr. Bankes. Bathurst, having urged his objections to both the addresses, proposed respectively by colonel Wardle and Mr. Perceval, thought it his duty to propose other terms of an address for the house, more consistent with the circumstances of the case, and more congenial with the feelings of the illustrious personage under whom the army had flourished for many years. Without, however, intruding his proposition at present, he should only suggest what he thought would be most proper upon such an occasion, namely, "That, while this house acknowledges the beneficent effects of the regulations adopted and acted upon by his royal highness, in the general discharge of his duties as commander-in-chief, it has observed,

with the deepest regret, that, in consequence of a connexion the most immoral and unbecoming, a communication on official subjects, and an interference in the distribution of military appointments and promotions has been allowed to exist, which could not but lead to discredit the official administration of his royal highness, and to give colour and effect, as they have actually done, to transactions the most criminal and disgraceful." The house adjourned at half past four, on Friday morning.

Next day, March 10, Mr. Bankes, pursuant to notice given at a preceding sitting, after a speech of considerable length, in which he took a clear view of the evidence on the table, proposed an amendment on the amendment of the right honourable Mr. Bathurst. Mr. Bankes's amendment, of which Mr. Bathurst's was, he said, the basis, was as follows: "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, stating, that information had been communicated to this house of various corrupt practices and abuses having prevailed in the disposal of commissions and promotions in his majesty's land forces, into which this house has diligently examined; and that we feel ourselves obliged to acquaint his majesty, that the result of our inquiries into the truth of these transactions by the examination, as well of oral evidence, as of various documents, has convinced us that such corrupt practices and abuses have unquestionably existed. To assure his majesty that it is highly satisfactory to this house to find no ground, in any of these pro

ceedings, for charging his royal highness the commander in chief with personal corruption or participation in any profits derived through undue means; but that, while we readily do justice to the exemplary regularity with which business is conducted in his department, and the salutary regulations which have been introduced by his royal highness, some of which are calculated to prevent such practices as have been brought under our review, we are obliged to express our opinion that such abuses could scarcely have prevailed to the extent to which they have been proved to have existed, without having excited the suspicion of the commander-in-chief. And we humbly submit to his majesty, even if it can be presumed that abuses so various and so long continued could have prevailed without the knowledge of his royal highness, whether the command of the army can with propriety be continued, or ought in prudence to remain any longer in his hands.-To ex

press to his majesty that the abuses which have been disclosed during the progress of this examination have unveiled a course of conduct of the worst example to public morals, and highly injurious to the cause of religion, which, if not discountenanced by his majesty and by this House, cannot fail to have a pernicious effect upon those main springs of social order and well regulated society which it has been his majesty's uniform care to support and strengthen by his counsels, and to illustrate by his example." Mr. Bankes was followed in the debate of this night by Mr. Yorke

and

and Mr. W. Adam in defence of the duke of York, lord Folkstone in support of the address moved by colonel Wardle, and Mr. W. Smith who preferred the measure suggested by Mr. Bankes to any of the others that had been proposed. Among a great variety of shrewd observations made by Mr. Adam on the evidence adduced in support of the charges against the duke of York, was the following: "the testimony given by Miss Taylor; her confirmation of the evidence of Mrs. Clarke; the existence of such a person or such a proof was never hinted at by the mover of the charges; nay it appeared that it was not only not known to that gentleman, but that it could not be known: and that it had been thought of, and discovered by Mrs.C.since the charges were brought. And yet, this was a charge in which corroborating evidence had been thought of beforehand, but was made to rest at the opening upon the payment for the plate and on that alone." The following anecdote, which does great honour to the Duke of York, and which was applied by the duke himself with perfect propriety or reason, was very judiciously brought forward by Mr. Adam. At a period, said Mr. A. of this proceeding, when some matter had been brought forward, which affected his royal highness deeply, by his finding the meanness of pecuniary corruption cruelly and falsely imputed to him; he communicated to me the promotion of general Graham, lately a member of that house, a person whose high character was well known; whose peculiar turn to military affairs had greatly distinguished

him; whose promotion had at a former period been refused for reasons which were then thought conclusive; the objections with regard to whose promotions had been since removed by subsequent events, and the long continuation of voluntary services. This gallant officer who fought at the battle of Corunna, and stood by the side of his friend sir John Moore when he fell, general Moore had recommended to the commanderin-chief, at the dying request of sir John Moore, in order that he might get his rank. When his royal highness communicated this subject to me, under the circumstances which I have just set forth, he said, "I know from your attachment to Graham, that it will give you pleasure to learn that I have passed a great part of this morning with his majesty, in offering my reasons for thinking that the obstacles to colonel Graham's promotion are removed; and I trust I have given such reasons as will induce his majesty to authorize the promoting him to the rank of major-general. The king's answer has not yet come back, but I impart the matter to you, because I know how much you will be gratified by being told what is so truly interesting and important to your friend.”

I felt, Mr. Adam continued, the kindness of the communica tion, and being particularly impressed with the whole scene, with the excess of feeling, the fortitude in repressing it, and the kindness in devoting himself under these circumstances to the interests of others, I could not refrain from showing and expressing what I felt. After a little time his royal

highness

highness said, you may now discover, from the communication I have made to you several days before it can be known to the public, how I may have been abused in similar cases, and by what means communications which might drop in conversation with motives perfectly pure on my part, might be turned to purposes the most criminal and corrupt. If I had mentioned such a matter as colonel Graham's intended promotion in the parlour of Gloucester place, I have now reason to see that a communication, innocent on my part, would immediately have been made the subject of a base and scandalous traffic, from which I could not have been secured by the honour of the man who was the object of promotion."

House of Commons, March 13. The Secretary at War rose to oppose the address proposed by Mr. Bankes, who had declared that though no charge of corruption had been established against the duke of York, he must have entertained a suspicion that abuses existed, and that therefore it was the duty of the house to agree to a proposition, the tendency of which was, to deprive him of the command of the armyHe was followed on the same side of the question by the master of the rolls, and the solicitor-general. On the other side appeared sir Francis Burdett, sir S. Romilly, and Mr. H. Smith. Sir Francis at the conclusion of a long, yet lively speech, said by way of peroration that, "whether he considered the circumstances, the documents, the proofs, the defence, or the character, all with one ac

cord compelled him to declare that in his opinion the charges were completely substantiated against the Duke of York." Sir S. Romilly said, "let us recollect that it was we who created the public agitation; that it was we who granted to the accused, that publicity which his defenders in this house so strenuously demanded; that it was we who sent by every day's post our proceedings on that subject, to be canvassed in every corner of the kingdom. With this recollection, and with the knowledge of what the effect has been, is this house now to be desired to turn a deaf ear to the opinions of the public?"

If once the opinion should prevail, that the House of Commons had heard of the existence of corruption in the state, and heard of it with indifference; if ever such an impression should go forth, they would lose the confidence of the people, and the minds of the public would be alienated from parliament. If ever that fatal time should arrive, no man could tell the consequences. The Master of the Rolls was of opinion that, from all the evidence that had come before them, and all the different lights in which he could view this inquiry, and the result it had led to, all that could be said was, that the Duke of York had not been sufficiently cautious, that he had allowed Mrs. Clarke to believe that she had some influence over him, though it appeared at the same time that he had never acted upon this principle. The house adjourned at half past three o'clock on Tuesday morning.

House

House of Commons, March 14. The debate on the conduct of the Duke of York was resumed. The principal speakers in this day's debate were, in support of the charges, Mr. Charles William Wynne, M. H. Martin, and Mr. Coke; in refutation of them, Mr. Croker, Mr. Wortley Stewart, Mr. Windham, and Lord Castlereagh. The house adjourned at half past three o'clock on Wednesday morning; on the evening of which day the debate was resumed. In support of the charges, appeared Lord Milton, Mr. Wilberforce, the Earl of Temple, Mr. Ponsonby, and to a certain extent, Sir T. Turton, who thought there was ground for charging his royal highness the Duke of York with the knowledge of the corrupt practices, that had been proved at the bar; in vindication of his royal highness, the lord advocate for Scotland, the honourable Mr. Ryder, and Mr. Canning. The question being loudly called for, the house divided: For Mr. Bankes's amendment, 199; Against it, 294. A second division afterwards took place on the Chancellor of the Exchequer's amendment on Mr. Wardle's address: For the amendment, 364; Against it, 123. The house adjourned at half past six o'clock on Thursday morning.

House of Commons, March 17. The Chancellor of the Exchequer announced his intention to withdraw his resolution, to strike out the word " charges," and other wise to alter it to the following effect: "That this house having appointed a committee to investigate the conduct of his royal

highness the Duke of York, as commander-in-chief, and having carefully considered the evidence which came before the said committee, and finding that personal corruption and connivance at corruption have been imputed to his said royal highness, find it expedient to pronounce a distinct opinion upon the said imputation, and are accordingly of opinion that it is wholly without foundation." A long debate ensued, in which so great

number of mem. bers rose (amidst reiterated cries from all parts of the house to pass immediately to a vote) to declare the grounds on which they should give their votes on the question now to come to a final decision, that to give even a list of their names would run into a degree of prolixity that may be avoided. Mr. Lyttleton hoped that the house would not add their own humiliation to the disgrace of his royal highness. If this should be the case, he trembled at the result. The people would sink into sullen despondency, and say, "These are men not to be trusted." He hoped that a British House of Commons would prove itself worthy of the epithet applied to the celestial fount of justice-that it "was not a respecter of persons."

Sir Thomas Turton moved as an amendment to the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. "That this house has grounds for believing that his royal highness, the commander-in-chief, had know. ledge of the corrupt transactions of which evidence had been given at the bar." On a division of the house, sir T. Turton's amendment was negatived: Ayes, 135;

Noes