at the same time against both nations, and these the two most powerful of the world, are the principal causes of hesitation. There would be none in resorting to that remedy, however calamitous, if a selection could be made on any principle of justice, or without a sacrifice of national independence. On a question of such difficulty, involving the most important interests of the Union, and which has not, perhaps, until lately been sufficiently considered, your committee think the house alone competent to pronounce a decisive opinion; and they have, in this report, confined themselves to an exposition of the subject, and to such introductory resolutions, as will be equally applicable to either alternative. The first of these being merely declaratory of a determination not to submit to foreign aggressions, may, perhaps at a first view, appear superfluous. It is, however, believed by the committee, that a pledge by the representatives of the nation, that they will not abandon its essential rights, will not at this critical moment be unacceptable.

The misapprehensionswhichseem to have existed, and the misrepresentations which have been circulated, respecting the state of our foreign relations, render also such declaration expedient. And it may not be useless that every foreign na tion should understand that its aggressions never will be justified or encouraged by any description of American citizens. For the question for every citizen now is, whether he will rally round the government of his choice, or enlist under foreign banners? Whether he will be for his country, or against his country?

Report of a Committee of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, upon the subject of the Embargo, dated 15th Nov. 1808.

The committee appointed to consider "Whether it will be expedient for this legislature to adopt any measure with a view to procure a repeal of the laws of the United States, interdicting to the citizens all foreign commerce and imposing vexatious embarrassments on the coasting trade; to relieve the people of the commonwealth from their present distressed state, and to arrest the progress of that ruin which threatens to involve all classes of the community," beg leave to report: That the committee perceive with the most serious regret, that the distresses occasioned by the several laws imposing an embargo, have bornewithextreme and increasing pressure upon the people; and every day's experience justifies abelief that a continuance of these laws must soon become intolerable. As measures of coercion, they are now acknowledged to be altogether impotent. They afford satisfaction to France, and are regarded as ineffectual demonstrations of a hostile disposition by Great Britain. our own country, their effects are becoming daily and palpably more injurious. The produce of our aggriculture, of our forests, and our fisheries, is excluded altogether from every foreign market; our merchants and mechanics are deprived of employment; our coasting trade is interrupted and harassed by the most grievous embarrassments; and our foreign trade is becoming diverted into channels, from which there is no prospect of its re

Upon

turn:

turn. The sources of our revenue are dried up, and government must soon resort to direct taxation. Our sailors are forced to expatriate themselves. Strong temptations are offered to systematic evasions of the laws, which tend to corrupt the spirit of honourable commerce, and will materially injure the public morals. In fact, the evils which are menaced by the continuance of this policy are so enormous and deplorable, the suspension of commerce is so contrary to the habits of our people, and so repugnant to their feelings and interests, that they must soon become intolerable, and endanger our domestic peace and the union of these states. As the embargo laws have been the cause of the public distress, your committee are of opinion that no equal, permanent, or effectual relief can be afforded to the citizens of the commonwealth, but by the repeal of these laws. They persuade them selves that the congress of the United States must be fully impressed with a sense of the total inefficacy of these laws for any valuable purpose, and of their direct tendency to the most serious consequences. Your committee, therefore, trust, that congress will not fail to repeal them. In this confidence, there fore, your committee are of opinion, upon this subject, the legislature should, in its present session, confine itself to a repeated disapproba tion of the laws interdicting foreign commerce, and to instructing our senators, and requesting our representatives in congress to use their utmost exertions to procure their repeal.

Your committee might have contented themselves with the preceding remarks, had not the late mes

sage of the president of the United States excited the most serious alarm, which, in the present critical state of the country, they conceive it a duty to express. They perceive, with the most painful regret, that, in the estimation of the president, our country is now presented with the only alternative of a continued embargo, or a ruinous war; but they cannot hesitate to express their confident belief that the wisdom of the government may yet find means to avoid the necessity of electing between these great public calamities. If, however, this severe necessity exists in regard to Great Britain, they are led by the message to presume that it results, in a great measure, if not entirely, from the determination of the executive to adhere to the proclamation of July 1807, interdicting all British ships of war from the waters of the United States; which has been, and as we infer from the message, is still deemed by the British government, a measure so inhospitable and oppressive, if not hostile in its character, as to form an insuperable obstacle to amicable adjustment.

Upon this delicate and important subject, the committee are far from asserting, that the attack on the frigate Chesapeake did not justify the original issuing of this proclamation, and enforcing it so long as the injury might be presumed to have the sanction of the British government. But as this violation of the neutral rights was promptly and explicitly disavowed by the sovereign of the aggressor, before the remonstrances or measures of our government could be known: as the right to search our national ships was ex. pressly disclaimed, and a special

envoy deputed for the professed object of making to our government a full, satisfactory, and public reparation, on the simple condition of a previous revocation of this proclamation; your committee are constrained to declare their opinion, that such a revocation, under such circumstances, would not have involved any dishonourable concession, or an abandonment of any just right of pretensions, but would have been a fair, reasonable, and magnanimous pledge of the sincerity of the wishes of the American government to restore the accustomed relations of peace and amity between the two countries. This course must have compelled the British envoy to have offered that ample and honourable reparation, which would have been deemed by our nation and by the world, an adequate atonement for the outrage; or have justified, in the event of its refusal, not only the renewal of the proclamation, but the adoption of measures of the most rigorous and hostile description.

But even on the precise presumption that the course adopted by the government, in refusing to revoke the proclamation as a preliminary to the adjustment of that controversy, be sanctioned by the usages of nations, and the justice of our claims, your committee are still of opinion, that a punctilious adherence to diplomatic forms and precedents should not be maintained at the risk of war, by a nation whose genius and policy are pacific; and which, while justly jealous of its na tional honour and independence, looks principally to the substantial security of those blessings, and regards as insignificant those petty contentions which originating in

courtly pride and vanity, frequently terminate in bloody wars; and they, therefore, think that this proclamation ought not, in the present situation of Europe and this country, to remain as the only, or even as the principal barrier to the restoration of our amicable relations with the British nation.

Your committee therefore ask leave to report the following resolutions:

Resolved, that the senators of this commonwealth in congress, be instructed, and the representatives thereof requested, to use their strenuous exertions to procure an immediate repeal of the various laws imposing an embargo on the ships and vessels of the United States, as the only equal and effectual means of affording permanent relief to the citizens of this commonwealth from the aggravated evils which they now experience.

Resolved, that although this legislature would cheerfully support the general government in the prosecution of a just and necessary war, yet they cannot perceive the necessity intimated in the message of the president to congress, of continuing the embargo, or resorting to war. That it is not the policy of the United States to engage in a controversy with any nation, upon points of diplomatic usage, or equivocal right, provided substantial reparation for injuries can be obtained; and that the revocation of the proclamation interdicting the British ships of war from our waters ought not, in the opinion of this legislature, to be deemed an inadmissible preliminary, which should obstruct the adjustment of the controversy between the United States and Great Britain.

Imperial

Imperial Decree relative to Spain.

In our Imperial camp, at Burgos, Nov. 12, 1808. Napoleon, emperor of the French, king of Italy, and protector of the Confederation of the Rhine

Considering that the troubles of Spain have been principally the effect of the plots formed by several individuals, and that the greater part of those who have been engaged in them, have been misled or deceived:

Wishing to pardon the latter, and to grant them oblivion of the crimes which they have committed against us, our nation, and the king, our brother:

Wishing at the same time to mark those, who, after having sworn fidelity to the king, have violated their oath who, after having accepted places, have made use of the autho rity confided to them, only to betray the interests of their sovereign; and who, instead of employing their influence to enlighten the citizens, have only made use of it to mislead them :

Wishing, in fine, that the punishment of great culprits, should serve as an example for posterity, to all those who, placed by Providence at the head of nations, instead of directing the people with wisdom and prudence, pervert them; involve them in the disorder of popular agitations, and precipitate them into the miseries of war:

We have decreed and do decree as follows:

Art. 1. The dukes of Infantado, of Hijar, of Medina Celi, of Ossuna, the marquis of Santa Cruz, the counts of Ferran-Nunez and Altamira, the prince of Castel-Franco, the sieur Pierre Cevallos, ex-minister

of state, and the bishop of Santander, are declared enemies of France and Spain, and traitors to the two crowns. As such they shall be seized and carried before a military commission. Their property moveable and immoveable, shall be confiscated in Spain, in France, in Italy, in Naples, in the Papal States, in the kingdom of Holland, and in all the countries occupied by the French army, to pay the expences of the war.

2. All sales and dispositions, whether with the living; whether testamentary, made by them or their attornies, subsequent to the date of the present decree, are declared

null and of no value.

3. We grant, in our name, and in the name of our brother the king of Spain, general pardon and full and entire amnesty to all Spaniards who, in one month after our entrance into Madrid, shall have laid down their arms and renounced all alliance, adherence, and communication with England; shall rally round the constitution and throne, and shall return to order, so necessary to the repose of the great family of the continent.

4. Are not excepted from the said pardon and amnesty, neither the members of central and insurrectional Juntas, nor the generals and officers who have borne arms, provided that both the one and the other conform to the dispositions established by the preceding article. (Signed) NAPOLEON.

Convention between the Russian army and that of Sweden in Finland, dated 18th Nov. 1808.

By virtue of the powers vested in

us,

us, we, the undersigned, have agreed and stipulated the following Articles :

Art. I. The royal Swedish army is, immediately after the ratification of this convention, to take up a position along the frontier of the district of Uleaborg from Kemi to Peckawara. Kemi consequently remains in the bands of the Russians. II. The Swedish army is to evacuate the town of Uleaborg within ten days next ensuing the date of this; the Russian troops are to take possession of the said town on the 30th of Nov. The other parts of the country, which are to be given up to the Russians, shall be evacuated according to the agreement yet to be concluded between the contracting parties.

III. The rear of the Swedish army shall return by the route agreed upon, and whatever cannot be removed by the Swedish troops in their retreat, shall be considered as good and lawful prize.

IV. The Swedish army binds itself neither to destroy, distribute among the inhabitants, nor sell the magazines which they shall be necessitated to surrender.

V. The Swedish troops are not to take with them from Uleaborg or other places to be surrendered, any civil officers, nor any articles or goods belonging to the provinces.

VI. The Swedish army is to send back all clergymen, civil officers, and inhabitants of the places evacuated by their troops, provided it be done by the desire, or with the consent of the said persons.

VII. This convention shall be ratified by the respective generals in chief of both armies, and the ratification exchanged to-morrow night.

Letter of the Supreme Junta to the Marquis de la Romana. Dated, Tudela, Dec. 4, 1808.

Most excellent Sir,-The king and lord, Ferdinand VII, and in his royal name the Supreme Junta of the government of the kingdom, omitting no means which can any ways promote the safety and prosperity of the nation, has thought proper to resolve, that your excellency is not only to command the army, of which you are general in chief, but also the armies of Old Castile,Leon, Asturias, and Galicia, superintending, with regard to all the said armies, the troops of the mass, and putting in requisition the horses, mules and other measures, which are required to augment our army, and put it on that respectable footing which the presentextraordinary circumstances require. His majesty has been informed, and sees with the deepest concern, that, to the want of subordination, cowardice is added by many, whence arises that scandalous desertion which excites astonishment in our allies, and damps their general ardour. This conduct, so contrary to the sentiments of true Spaniards, and which cannot be counteracted by mild measures, demands that your excellency should check it with all the rigour of military law, extending the punishment to all those who assist or protect deserters. For this purpose his majesty invests your excellency with the most ample power which may be required, to cause yourself to be promptly and implicitly obeyed, and cause the enthusiasm which begins to slacken in the provinces and especially in Old Castile, to be revived. To attain that end, extraordinary and vigorous measures are required, calculated to secure the

safety