itself in another aspect when we ask ourselves where and how the 160 or 172 thoroughly qualified members are to be found. It must be remembered that the Federal Parliament will deal only with certain questions, and the Federal Government administer only in certain matters-either those reserved to it or those not reserved to the provincial or States Parliaments or Governments (questions of defence, Customs, post and telegraphs being among those which have been deemed peculiarly matters of Federal concern), and that the Parliaments and Administrations of the States will absorb some considerable portion of the trained political talent for the conduct of local legislation and affairs. It has to be further borne in mind that the views expressed at the Convention of 1891 were unfavourable to the idea of a State parliamentarian being eligible for election to the Federal Parliament, and that, according to this view (if it should be finally adopted), each colony would have to find an efficient and experienced body for the State Legislature, and another, not less efficient or experienced, for the Federal Legislature; and the question will occur to many, as it has occurred to me, how are these two efficient and experienced bodies to be provided? The difficulty does not arise from the dearth of capable men in the Australasian communities. There are hundreds of men fully qualified to take part in legislation, but those with leisure and inclination are few; and only exceptionally will capable men sacrifice private interest or enjoyment for political work, which enriches none, and exposes all to unsparing and often unmerited criticism.

Let either New South Wales or Victoria be drawn upon for its contingent of forty-eight members of the Federal Parliament, and, if those forty-eight were the picked men of the Parliaments of those colonies, what would be the calibre of those to whom the very important State legislation would be left? But a stronger argument remains in support of the contention that members of the States. Legislatures should be eligible for election to the Federal Parliament, and it is this. The best men of the States Legislatures-those enjoying the sweets of office as Ministers of the Crown, and those aspiring to seats on the States Treasury Bench with fair prospect of achieving their aspirations-would probably, in the majority of instances, prefer the greater certainty of the humbler position in the State Executive to the lesser, the very much lesser, certainty of any position at all in the Federal Administration. So it might well fall out that the States would send to the Federal Parliament not their best public men, but a body yet untried and unproved by the test of experience.

to

I admit that it might in most cases be difficult for any one man оссиру at the same time a seat in both the Federal and State Cabinets, but beyond this I can see no difficulty that should preclude members of the States Legislatures becoming members of the

Federal Parliament or Executive, provided the Federal session were held, as it might very well be, at that season when the States Parliaments would ordinarily be out of session.

But I have allowed myself to be led away from the history of the Federation movement, to which I will now return. And here, if space permitted, I could not do better than give a précis, which has been officially prepared, of the proceedings of the several Australasian colonies in this connection from the year 1891 (immediately after the meeting of the convention) to 1894 (just prior to the Premiers' Hobart conference of January 1895). But that précis is too lengthy for the purposes of this article, and I must content myself with stating briefly that it shows how the mother colony dallied with the question, albeit Sir Henry Parkes, of 'one nation, one destiny' fame, when Premier in 1891, had made the Federal union of the colonies a question second only to electoral reform in New South Wales, and promptly gave notice of a motion that would have advanced that question if, after being made an order of the day for the 22nd of July, it had not remained intact on the notice paper in all its virgin innocence until the 3rd of November, when the mover was out of office. It also shows how little practical advance was made in the Federation movement elsewhere, and it is principally remarkable because it foreshadows the course which has now been adopted-viz. the remission of the framing of the Constitution Bill to a convention elected by the people—one man, one vote-and its subsequent submission to the will of the people when finally adopted by the convention. The Commonwealth Bill was not introduced at all in the Legislatures of New South Wales, Queensland, Western Australia, and New Zealand. It was not passed by any colony. In Victoria the bill went through the Assembly, and was returned by the Legislative Council passed with amendments that never came on for consideration. In Tasmania it went through the Assembly, and was dropped at the second reading stage in the Legislative Council. In South Australia it was introduced in the Assembly, and dropped there.

Early in 1895 the Premier of New South Wales (the Hon. G. H. Reid) initiated a movement for the restoration of Federation to the list of living questions which may be fairly credited with having fanned the dead ashes of Federation into new life. At Mr. Reid's suggestion, a conference of Premiers was held in Hobart in January of that year, at which all the colonies of Australia, together with Tasmania, were represented as follows:

And it may be remarked that of these six Premiers only two (Mr. C. C. Kingston and Sir John Forrest) had taken part in any previous Federation conference.

The six Premiers met on four occasions, between the 29th of January and the 6th of February 1895. The minutes of their proceedings occupy less than two and a half pages of foolscap, and the draft bill to enable each colony to take part in the framing, acceptance, and enactment of a Federal Constitution for Australasia (the short title of which is 'The Australasian Federation Enabling Act') which the conference adopted-comprising forty-four sections and a schedule is disposed of in some five pages. Messrs. Kingston and Turner were the Parliamentary draftsmen to whom the preparation of the draft bill was entrusted, with a confidence in their skill that was not abused.

Proceedings were by resolution in the first place, and the resolutions considered were as follows:

1. That this conference regards Federation as the great and pressing question of Australasian politics.

2. That a convention, consisting of ten representatives of each colony, directly chosen by the electors, be charged with the duty of framing a Federal Constitution.

3. That the constitution so framed be submitted to the electors for acceptance or rejection by a direct vote.

4. That such constitution, if accepted by the electors of three or more colonies, be transmitted to the Queen by an address from the Parliaments of those colonies praying for the necessary legislative enactment.

5. That a bill be submitted to the Parliament of each colony for the purpose of giving effect to the foregoing resolutions.

6. That Messrs. Turner and Kingston be requested to prepare a draft bill for the consideration of the conference.

Upon all these resolutions four of the six Premiers were in absolute accord; Mr. Nelson dissented as to No. 4. Sir John Forrest adopted a non possumus attitude throughout, giving his vote only for the abstract resolution No. 1 and the non-committal resolution No. 6, but dissenting from Nos. 2 to 5. How Sir John Forrest came to recognise that Federation was the great and pressing question of Australasian politics, and yet felt himself constrained to stand aloof from a reasonable plan for dealing with it, is not readily to be understood.

The members of the conference considered the draft bill on the 4th and 6th of February, Sir John Forrest being absent on both occasions, and the draft was, with certain amendments, adopted on the latter date by all present. On the latter day, at the closing sitting of the conference Mr. Reid intimated that as soon as practicable after the reassembling of the New South Wales Parliament his Government would introduce a measure providing for the chief objects of the bill as defined in the draft.' Messrs. Turner, Nelson, Kingston, and Sir Edward Brad

don intimated that, as soon as New South Wales had passed the bill, their Governments would introduce measures providing for the same objects, Mr. Nelson reserving the right to dispense with the direct reference to the electors required by the second object of the bill.'

And so, without phrases or speeches levelled at the constituencies over the heads of the Premiers met in conclave, but in a conversational and practical way, not hampered by Parliamentary procedure and obstructive red-tapeism, the Federation Enabling Bill, which gives to the people the right, and throws upon them the responsibility, of determining their destiny-which makes Federation a living question that shall be settled for weal or woe, one way or the other, within a year or two-was adopted by the five present without even an apology for a Hansard report of their deliberations.

And within the year all the subscribing colonies except Queensland had passed this bill, practically in identical form, through the local Legislatures, by overwhelming majorities or without a division. The Queensland Government hesitated to deal with this measure in the last Parliament; but at a second Conference of Premiers, held in Sydney in March 1896, the Minister who represented the Premier of Queensland gave an assurance that the Federation Enabling Bill would be one of the first measures dealt with by the Government on the assembling of the new Parliament. And there is no doubt that Mr. Chamberlain's very wise decision that the question of dividing Queensland into two or more provinces must follow and not precede Australasian Federation will stimulate the action of Queensland in respect of the Federation Enabling Bill. So it may befall that before the close of this year the colonies that have passed this measure will have commenced proceedings for the election of representatives to the congress.'

Briefly stated, the more important provisions of the Federation Enabling Bill are as follows: Each colony shall elect ten representatives, such election to be on the Assembly franchise and for the colony as one constituency. No person to vote more than once at the same election. When such elections shall have been held in three or more colonies, a meeting of the convention shall be convened for a time and place agreed to by the Governors of such colonies. The convention, having framed and approved the constitution, shall adjourn for a period of not less than sixty or more than 120 days. On the reassembling of the convention, the constitution shall be considered with any amendments that may be proposed, and finally adopted. So soon as practicable after the close of the proceedings of the convention, the question of the acceptance or rejection of the constitution shall be submitted to the vote 'Yes' or 'No' of the

A press telegram from Queensland, dated the 16th of June, states that the Governor's speech opening Parliament announces a measure to enable Queensland to take part in the convention for framing a Federal Constitution.

Assembly electors in each colony. When the electors of three colonies have accepted the Constitution, both Houses of Parliament may adopt addresses to the Queen praying that the same may be passed into law by the Imperial Parliament; and these addresses being agreed to, the same shall be transmitted to the Queen with a certified copy of the constitution. The Bill gives no power to the Colonial Parliaments to amend the Constitution; they may suggest amendments for the consideration of the congress when it shall assemble finally; so may the press direct attention to possible amendments ; but the bill to be submitted to the people shall be one and the same for every colony.

Such is the measure which may be expected to settle for these colonies at an early date whether they shall enjoy a common nationhood or remain isolated provinces. Already public interest has been aroused on this vital question, already candidates for the honourable and responsible position of representatives at the congress are in the field, and before the year 1896 runs out the meeting of the convention may have taken place or be immediately impending.

Meanwhile, those who are earnest in the cause, and who have studied Federation, have imposed upon them the obligation of instructing the people who are to be the ultimate arbiters in this great issue. The men engaged in industries heretofore fostered as exotics by the artificial means of heavy inter-colonial tariffs will need to be taught something of the advantages that come with free trade; and by this teaching may be surmounted the greatest obstacle that presents itself to such a complete union as will abolish those inter-provincial Custom-houses that now hamper trade and divert industrial effort and capital into unnatural channels. The advantages of that union in improved credit, consolidated strength, and enlargement of Australasia's power in the comity of nations will doubtless be taught. And to a people of such a high average of intelligence as that which distinguishes the inhabitants of these colonies the lesson may come home that the individual interest is subordinate to the general interest, and cannot but be shaped by it for good or evil as it (the general interest) prospers or declines.

To the smaller colonies, such as Tasmania, it should be obvious that they cannot stand out of a Federation into which the larger colonies have entered. Newfoundland is an object-lesson in point. Those smaller colonies are, therefore, well advised that they should take their part in the convention and help to mould the constitution under which, sooner or later, they must come to exist. And it has been already pointed out that this constitution should be considered in a time of peace when hostility, or threatening of hostility, from without interferes in no way with the deliberations of those who frame it. Mr. Deakin, at the Melbourne Conference of 1890, spoke