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African slaves chained together, during the middle passage, is not to serve the cause of Negro freedom, but to injure the cause of those Irish whom it was intended to serve. M. Gregoire may possibly produce an emotion among the French, who are easily moved; but Britons will desire arguments more solid, conclusions more logical, and counsels more practicable.
We have conversed with several Frenchmen on the subject of the Slave Trade; they have all thought the phiJanthropy of Britain was merely a mask to conceal the politic intention of preventing France from cultivating her islands. In vain have we appealed to facts: to the long struggle on the subject, among ourselves—to the labour and exertion still nece ecessary, and still unabated, to carry into execution the de-bondsmen, who were Whites, at the beginterminations of our legislature ;-to the ning of the establishment in St. Domingo, honour and character of persons, with performed the very work which is now other topics; they have still retained done by the Negroes. Even in our days, their opinion, or rather their prejudice,ency almost all the inhabitants of the Depend, that to cramp the exertions of the French planter, that he might not rival the English, was the true and real object contemplated..
The indentured labourers, or three-year
of La Grande Anse, who are for the most part soldiers, mechanics, or poor Basques, cultivate their property with their own hands.
M. Gregoire is aware of this disposition among his countrymen; but, he describes them as mere clamours.
by the parties concerned, and by the nation at large.
for the labour of Negroes, says M. GreThat there is no absolute necessity goire, has been fully proved.
pamphlets, published by the planters on Among the innumerable volumes, and the subject of the colonies, there are, probably, more than a hundred in which we' are assured that the labour of cultivation, in those tropical countries, is beyond the strength of Europeans, and can only be undergone by the Slaves. The partisans of Slavery eluded or denied the facts which these denials were generally seasoned with were brought against their assertions, and abuse of the Abolitionists; (amis des Noirs:) but we have another Colonist who fully justifies them in this particular. The passage deserves to be extracted.
'Yes, I will maintain it, on the ground of personal experience, that White men may, without apprehension, cultivate the soil of St. Domingo: they may labour in till nine, and from four o'clock in the the fields from six o'clock in the morning afternoon till sunset. A White with his plough, will do more work in one day, than fifty slaves with their hoes, and the land would be better husbanded: the Whites, moreover, would be fitter for cultivating garden ground, for forming and keeping in order the meadows which are wanted in that country for the improve
of cattle, horses, and other animals. This fact is of great importance in the true, then it cannot be said with juspresent state of France: for if it be tice, that in giving back the islands to France, we give an article useless, ab
Those clamours will now doubtless be revived, which had almost died away The friends of the Blacks would have all the Whites massacred; the Philanthropists have sold themselves to the Enrlish-the Slave Trade question is purely English; it is only an English trick. This accusation were it true, would only prove, that with respect to this article at least, the interests of humanity, and those of the British Government ment, are identified.
Buonaparte, by an edict, ordered the abolition of the Slave Trade; but the edict was a nullity, as no efforts had been made to promote it. No ships
were at sea: no intercourse was estab-solutely useless, without permission to lished with the islands: no factory existed on the slave coast. Yet, as this
import additional labourers.
act of authority was suffered in France, as it produced neither complaint nor commotion, there can be no cause shewn why a royal edict should not be obeyed with equal readiness: nor, wherefore that trade should be resumed, the suppression of which has been acquiesced in,
following extract witness.
Wo to the policy that would found the others; and wo to the man whose fortune prosperity of a nation on the misery of is cemented by the tears of his fellow men: It is according to the established order of things under the controul of Providence,
that whatever is iniquitous, should be at thesame time impolitic, and that fearful calamities should be the chastisement of crime. The individual culprit suffers not always here below, the punishment due to his offence; because, to use the words of St. Augustine, God has eternity to punish
troduced by some very ingenious remarks of the Translator; who seems to be convinced, as well as ourselves, that M. Gregoire has ventured beyond his depth. In fact, we acknowledge very little obligation to the reverend writer It is not so with nations: in their col-for this ill-conceived, and injudicious lective capacity, they do not belong to the future state of existence. In this world, therefore, according to the same Father, has obtained an establishment' so exSlavery dates from a period so early, they are either recompensed, as the Ro-tensive, is so solidly settled among almost maus were; for some humane virtues, or all the nations of the globe, that to erapunished, as so many nations have been dicate it wholly, appears rather Utopian than hopeful. It may, however,' be moderated in ' most countries; and it ought to be suppressed in that modern branch of it, which has been instituted by the whites for the purpose of traffic and merchandize. Whatever others do, let us clear ourselves as men, as Christains, from this abhorrent practice. We should be delighted if the latter motive would be found more powerful and prevalent in France, than the language of this writer, and our own information, leads us at present to believe or infer.
for national calamities. These calamities are events to which, in England, the ministers of religion have often called the attention of their auditory. France, who for a century past, has waged impious war with the Almighty, and with divine truth, has drunk of the cup of bitterness. Who knows if the dregs are not still reserved for her! This language we must expect to be ridiculed as fanaticism by certain individuals; this is one of those lesser trials
to which by habit I have become perfectly resigned.
A Sermon, occasioned by the Detection and Punishment of Criminals, guilty of Robberies and Murder, in the Counties of Essex and Hertford, preached at Bishop's Stortford, March 19, 1815. By William Chaplin. Conder. London,
For a series of years the outrages of the Algerine pirates have been the subject of complaint: it is disgraceful to the Continental Powers that they have not yet adopted vigorous measures for the suppression of this nefarious system, which has prevailed, during the last twenty years, to a most calamitous exteut. In former times, respectable missionaries went to spend their lives among the Africans, and to meliorate the toils of the slaves by sharing them. Other ecclesiastics employed them. selves in raising money in Roman Catholic countries, for the purpose of rausoming captives. These sources of good works have been almost dried up by the suppression of religious orders, and the persecution which has been directed against the ministers of the altar. Will any one venture to assert that the enormities committed by the pirates of Algiers, Tunis, etler crimes lead on to greater: whoever cætera, are comparable to those which Europe has inflicted upon Africa? What would that Europe say, if suddenly a second Genseric, a descendant perhaps, or at least a follower of the King of the Van-in dals, were to make a descent upon our coasts, saying 'I come as a liberator ?
WE distinguish this Sermon by its occasion, and its plainness. The first was felt by all to whom the discourse was addressed, and we trust, the latter will produce those effects on his hearers and readers, which the worthy and benevolent preacher contemplated. Smal
We conjecture that this last reflection includes a political meaning: would the writer have ventured this, under the Napoleon dynasty?
The second part of this work, op the traffic and slavery of the whites, is in
factor to his race, and to his country. can prevent smaller crimes, is a beneTo take advantage of striking instances
proof of this progress of guilt, is a very likely means to impress on the conscience of the half vicious, of the un◄ too startling to be worn off, too deep to wary, of the inexperienced, a conviction be erased. The good done may never be known; yet, possibly, nothing is mare entitled to the appellation and character of good, than such concealed conversions.
It appears, that a burglary and mut=| in such deeds, it may be hoped, would der was committed at Berden, iu Essex, have acted otherwise, if they had duly in March 1814. Two men apprehended considered their gross impropriety. I shall at Bishop's Stortford, in the following therefore state some of the reasons, which January, were found to be the perpe- ought to induce every one conscientiously trators. They were executed at Chelmsto avoid the practicė. ford, March 13, 1815, They had long been notorious as poachers: they found that business lucrative;-that mal-prac-try. tice led to worse, and murder filled the measure of their guilt. To deter others from this common transgression, usually thought no great harm, was the object of Mr. C.'s impressive address.
The text is from Psalm cxix. 158."I beheld the transgressors, and was grieved." The Improvement directs,`
It is the fruitful parent of the worst of crimes and miseries. It leads to pilfering, and pilfering leads to house-breaking, house-breaking to murder, and murder to the gallows. I apprehend there is no doubt of the truth and reality of this statement, with regard to the unhappy individuals whose end hath given occasion for this discourse. And not in reference to them only, but many besides. There is reason to fear that this single practice, contributes much, by its tendency and con
I hope it is not necessary to say to any one who now bears me, that to participate in any way in the profits of the transgressor, is to participate in his guilt. If there be the most distant concurrence, or even connivance, on the part of any other indi-sequences, to swell the calendar of every vidual, that individual is himself a trans-assize; to people our gaols, to bind fetters gressor and if the laws of his country do on cur countrymen, and lift up against not find him out, he may be assured the them the executiouer's arm. laws of God certainly will-But I hope better things of you, although I thus speak. While it is my duty to state truth and fact, with the utmost fidelity and plainness, hope the application cannot be made to any within these walls. If it can, I leave it to God, and to conscience.
(I.) That nothing shall be done which has a tendency to sanction or promote the deeds of transgressors.
The Preacher proceeds to observe—It is a violation of the laws of the connNo man has a right to take the laws into his own hand, and dispense with them whenever they may not agree with his individual opinion." It is not doing to others as you would have them do to you." He proceeds,
But it is incumbent on me to advert to another mode by which deeds of transgression are encouraged. I mean the practice of countenancing pouchers, (for I wish on this subject to speak very plainly) by purchasing the produce of their nocturnal depredations. Until the recent events had ●ccurred, I was not aware that this practice existed in any respectable quarter, at least to any great extent. But I am surprised and grieved to find it does exist to an alarming degree, and probably in all parts of the kingdom.-In proportion to its prevalence in any vicinity, it is natural to expect the public will be pestered with thieves and robbers.—I should be, altoge
ther unfit to stand in this place, if I did not on the present occasion, follow the strong inpulse of my mind, and enter a public protest against such an infraction of order and of law. Perhaps mistaken notions may prevail on this subject; and honest minds may be deceived by fallacious arguments. Many who have been concerned
tion of Knowledge and true Religion "Let us be anxious for the promoamong all classes of the Community.” The non-observance of the Holy day, and contempt of public worship, are the most ordinary forerunners of crime, and flagrant evil.
to be aware of it themselves, as they had These wretched malefactors seemed at last both lived in the omission of their duty for charge to his wife, that she should not do years. One of them left it as his dying children should be carefully brought up in as he had done, and above all, that his the practice of keeping the holy day.
In proof of this, in the present case, culprits themselves the letter-read we have the confession of the unhappy from the pulpit-could not but deeply affect the congregation; and we suppose will not fail of exciting the sensibility of
"We have this to beg of you all, that through our misconduct in the way we have goue on, we hope you will not afflict our wives and our poor innocent children for they cannot help what their parents have done. And now do we heartily beg
to you all, that you will afford that assis- Į otherwise rise to the level of those who tauce to them to give them some learning, do want. He thinks this management that they may not be like ourselves, who better than that of Scotland. Neverhave come to this maturity of years and do not know hardly how to read the gospel theless, says he, prayer. But O, pray think ou our children and afford them that small favour, that they may not die without knowing how to read the commandments of God; for we ourselves find it hard that we have not that gift, but we beg you will not let our poor children be at a loss for it. Dear friends all, our glass is run, I hope it will be warning to all men, for our sins have overtaken us at last, which brought us to the end of our glass. So we hope it will he a warning to all men never to do what we have done. So adicu, adieu, from us poor ́siuners here,
It may be of importance for the Scottish proprietors, who seem to be so little acquainted with the principle and operation of our poor laws, to know the causes which have led to the great expenditure under them in England, that they may profit by the information, in the future proagress of the poor laws in Scotland. These causes I apprehend to be,
"WM. PRATT aud Tнos. TURNER." This subject might, we fear, be justly introduced into most country pulpits throughout the kingdom: if it should not operate as reproof, in some, it might, as warning, in all.
The Principle of the English Poor Laws, illustrated from the Evidence given by the Scottish Proprietors before the Corn Committer, &c. By John Wey land, Jun. Esq. F. R. S. Price. 38. 6.1. Hatchard. London. 1315.
affording an insufficient stimulus to many. 1st, The inequality of the assessments, classes of society to provide for the œconomical administration of the laws; which leads to,
2dly, Want of intelligence in the persons to whom the primary administration of the laws is intrusted.
3dly, The complicated nature of the laws themselves respecting settlements; leading to great and vexatious expences, profitable only to the profession of the law.
4thly, The laws relating to bastardy. whereby the moral and industrious part of the community is put to a great expense, of the idle and the profligate. ia order to hold out a premium for the vices
5thly, An over-propensity for maintaining large workhouses and poorhouses, pauper is increased from about 31. 10s. to whereby the average maintenance of a about fifteen guineus per annum; and so far is this additional expense from rendering the poor more comfortable or happy, that I am persuaded their feelings are justly described by the poet of the lower classes:
There are some good remarks in this pamphlet. Nevertheless, we cannot altogether bring ourselves to approve of a system, by which the labourer is taught to look to any thing but his labour for the supply of his daily bread. We may be wrong; but, there is a moral feeling connected with the matter, which ought not to be trified with, nor to be checked. That the Poors' Rates are not an evil The pauper palace, which they hate to see, without some good, may be true; but a That giant-building, that high-bounding wall, much superior good crowns the satisfac-Those bare-worn walks, that lofty thundering of that man who can preserve his independence.
"There, in one house, throughout their lives to be,
As we cannot enter into the subject, -a subject not susceptible of compression into a narrow compass, we shall merely state that Mr. W. considers the Poor's Rate as the best means for be stowing bounties on large families, thereby keeping up the labouring population, yet not raising the price of Wages: excluding those who do not Want assistance, whose wages would
It is a prison with a milder name,
the highly manufacturing state of society 7thly, The size of the large towns, and in England, whereby a reproductive part of the people; (i. e. the labouring poor residing in the country villages; who alone
can rear a surplus population to supply, larger portion of the comforts and conve 1st, the waste of the towns and manufac-miencies of life than it did in the more simturing districts; and 2dly, the increasing ple stages of society. demand for hands in a progressive society) hears but a small proportion to the whole population. It is necessary, therefore, that they should be enabled to rear large families; and more than half of the money collected under the poor laws is devoted to this purpose. This head of expense will be considered useful or pernicious, according to the view which is taken of the general political effect of the laws.
8th, Lastly, and above all, great and superfluous expense has been incurred from the consequences arising out of the want of adequate means for the moral and religious instruction of the lower orders.
extending itself to thousands, and even When this progress is considered as to millions of individuals with their la milies, the consequences of the accidents of life, in some or other of their various forms, striking among them, may readily be conceived.
Mr. W. commends the principle of settlement as practised in Scotland: certainly, it has been the occasion of prodigious expenses in England. He adds, in a note,
It may gratify the curiosity of the English magistrates, who may honour this pan bilet with a perusal, to know, that in Scotland the place of birth is the place of settlement, except where another has been gained by a three years residence, without parochial assistance, or public begging.ing a settlement; and the simplicity of the This appears to be the only mode of gam rule is attended with one admirable effect, viz. that the doctrine of removals, with its long et cetera of orders and appeals, vexations and expense, is altogether unknown. (See Hutcheson's Justice of the Peace.)
With these causes of great expenditure in consequence of the Poor Laws, must be taken into consideration the increased expenses of the poor themselves; by which some of them are reduced to difficulties sooner than they otherwise would be, in the ordinary course of events: while at the same time, these causes prevent them, when poor, from regaining that station from which they had declined. Some of these are owing to themselves; others may be attributed to a public state of things; over which individuals have no power. Mr. W. offers a striking pic-at ture of the progress of such indulgences, in a paragraph, which we select.
It appears from Mr. Hutcheson, that the ordinary, or as it is sometimes termed, the natural and proper fund to maintaining the poor in Scotland, consists of collections
the parish-church, the letting out to hire
A Yorkshire peasant, (whose progenitors would have thought themselves injured past redemption, by a proposal to substitute wheaten bread for their oat cake,) by an apprenticeship to a clothier or a cutler,
a parish-hearse, or pell, (mortcloth', or by the interest of money or land (mortified, i. e.) bequeathed for use of the poor. This is under the management of the kirk-session, consisting of the clergyman and elders, or substantial persons of the parish a body very like our select vestries
in one of the county towns, not only be-But "the needful sustentation" of the poor comes himself a consumer of wheaten is not intrusted solely to those scanty and bread, but the progenitor of a permanent precarious supplies: when they prove inset of such consumers. His sisters, whose suficient to enable the poor, in the an ancestors were satisfied with a competent guage of the Scottish statutes, to "live portion of home-brewed beer, by a few unbeggand," the law directs the deficiency years' service in an opulent family, not only to be supplied by an assessment on the pabecomes herself a consumer of tea and su rish. Meetings are, from time to time, to gar, but the mother of a permanent pos- be held in order" to take inquisition of all terity of such consumers. In process of aged, poor, impotent, and decayed pertime these new habits travel from the sons, according to their number, to cousitowns to the furthest recesses of the agrider what their needful sustentation may cultural villages, and a permanent change is introduced into the mode of the people's This adjusting of the list of the poor, and subsistence. If, then, the condition of the fixing the assessment, the law has comJabourer must in some degree keep pacemitted to joint consultation of two respectawith the progress of artificial enjoymer ble ies of men: the heritors, or landamong the rest of the society, it is neces- hovers, who are liable to one half of the sary that a real increase should take place in his weges; i. e. that the fair exertion of his industry should exchange against
seśniet t, and the kirk-session, on begi of the cutter sustitial parishioners, whe are able to the other half.