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sea was open to us exclusively, we could nied that our manufactures were likely fo force a trade abroad: now it was open to be under-sold in France; on the contrary, rival natious—and we depended on the the quantity of British goods in that councheapness of our commodities; but this try was very great. He thought the drain could only be maintained by protecting the of cash from this country, would be stopproduce of the earth against unwise reso-ped by stopping the importation of corn. lutions, and enabling the manufacturer to On a division, Ayes, 285. Noes, 33. obtain bread at a moderate price. On second division, on a motion of adjournment, Noes, 212. Ayes, 42. On a third division, on the question of the Report being read, Ayes, 193. Noes, 29.

Militia kept embodied.

Sir S. Romilly recalled the attention of the House to the number of soldiery kept under arms, in the midst of peace. The

Mr. C. Yorke recalled to the recollection of the Committee, that the power of the Romaus was destroyed by this wish of having bread cheap. They were furnished gratuitously with corn, first by their demagogues, then by their emperors; the protection of the husbandmen was neglected, till in the time of Nero, this great peo-militia occasioned a very severe sacrifice to ple, who had conquered the world, was the lower orders. It was also contrary to reduced to desire nothing more than panem law, to continue these forces: it was conet circenses. To his knowledge there were trary to the constitution. The King never farmers within 25 miles of the metropolis, had power to call for the military services who could not sell their corn at all. The of his subjects, except in case of actual inmiller would not buy a grain of it, while vasion and rebellion. Vide the Act of he could get foreign corn. If London were Edward III. Also 42d of his present Mafed with foreign corn, it might be cheaper jesty. When all causes of calling out the for a few years, but in the end agriculture Militia ceased, they ought to be disbanded. would perish. A short crop abroad, a war He had seen the opinions of the Law with France, would reduce London to Officers of the Crown on this subject; but, famine. He never was more strongly conhe could not accept them for the law of the vinced of the propriety of any measure. land. But, how had the Ministers acted? They had first taken their measures, and then asked for advice. These Lawyers too, had made up their opinions in less than twenty-four hours,-and that, on a question of the first importance. After a long investigation Sir Samuel moved that "keeping the Militia embodied during a state of peace and internal tranquillity, is contrary to 42d of Geo. III."

Mr. Phillips could not see how cheapness of bread could overturn the liberties of England. Corn was already raised in price: why raise it higher? The circumstances of the country were extraordinary: ought we to fix the superiority of our rivals in manufacture, France, Belgium and Holland? Our extensive exports were the best security to the landholders for their estate, preserving their value. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had relieved agriculture from some taxes; but had laid additional taxes on manufacture. He had been assured by an eminent spinner who had gone over to France to inspect their machinery, that on the whole, the French machinery was superior. All our recent improvements were introduced there. We were, indeed, better in the finer sorts. He knew that importation of corn enough to supply this country would require more ships than all the navy of Britain. The population of the kingdom was increased by manufactures, and the wealth acquired by manufactures, naturally sought security in land. Mr. Marryat wished to remind the House, that by measures similar to what are now proposed, at the beginning of the French revolution, manufactures had been driven out of France; so that, in a short time, land sunk in value from 25 and 30 to 5 and 6 years' purchase, He admitted that some protection was necessary; but this was too high. Mr. Fitzgerald de

Mr. Bragge Bathurst contended, that while the war with America was not at an end, this country could not be said to be at peace. The Militia Act did not enable the Crown to call the Militia together without cause, but the question of dis-embodying that force was left open by Parliament, when passing that law. Ministers, however, were not acting without the sanction of Parliament, for Parliament had actually voted the money for keeping these troops The measure, therefore, had embodied. been sanctioned by the Legislature. The Militia was, in fact, kept up, to enable the Crown to send the regular troops out of the country, for purposes beneficial to the national interests. The hardship on the men was trifling: nine in ten were substitutes: he had heard no complaints from


The Attorney General said, the observations made rendered it absolutely necessary for him to defend the opinion he had given. He could have wished that Go

vernment had taken the opinion of others: | and Spitalfields; Reading, signed by 3,000 but had Sir Samuel himself been applied to persons; Parish of St. Clement Danes, &c. professionally, he no doubt would have Sir W. Curtis brought up a petition given the same advice as had been given. against the Cora Bill from the bankers, It was not likely that he, the Attorney Ge- merchants, and other inhabitants of the neral, would give advice without consider- city of London, signed by more than ation-and to his friends, too. The opin- 40,000 persons. The meeting where it had ion given by himself, and his learned been voted was most orderly; it did not friend, the Solicitor General, went on the arise from party motives. At this meeting ground of the responsibility of Ministers: there were Whigs and Tories, and Dison the exercise of a sound discretion. senters of all sorts, all unanimous and anxious to defend the interests of their fellow-citizens. He trusted the petition would have its due weight with the House.

Sir A. Pigott said, he never should look for a question of law in the practice of Ministers: they had always one bug bear or other, to render law of no avail. There was no danger of invasion; why then keep up the Militia? because the Ministers thought proper to keep up a large force on the Continent: was this to last for ever? What bound the Ministers to disembody the Militia, at all?-the law. When the necessity for calling them out ceased, they ought as an armed body to cease with it.

The Solicitor General declared that, when called on to give an opinion as a lawyer, he would give it freely, He would hold no place that required the contrary. No Act required the Crown to disband the Militia the moment peace was signed. That order must be discretional. In the Local Militia Act, the law said, they should be disbanded six weeks after the termination of the war: this was imperative: but no such provision appeared in the General Militia Act; the inference was clear, that no such obligation was intended. The Militia was, in fact, in the course of being disbanded; and a great part of it was already separated--the whole would follow, as soon as circumstances' admitted.

Lord Milton, Sir Mark Wood, and other gentlemen spoke. Some regiments stationed in Ireland, were said to have complained. The Derbyshire Militia had, very respectfully, desired to know the cause why they were kept embodied they appeared satisfied with the answer. It had reached almost to its own county for the purpose of being dis-embodied, when counter orders arrived. The House divided. For the motion, 76---Against it, 179.

Mr. Lambton said, he never could vote for any measure, against which the sense of the people had been so generally and so unequivocally expressed, and should, therefore move, that the Bill be read a second time this day six months.

Mr. J. Smith thought the distresses of the farmers had arisen from the dispensation of Providence, in the blight of last year; rather than from importation of foreign corn. The subject was not only one of very great importance, but of considerable difficulty, and among the points not yet sufficiently understood, were those of the mode of taking the average price, and the increase of the population of the country. The House, in his opinion, ought to take more time to deliberate upon it. He should therefore, second the motion.

Mr. Lambert spoke against the amendment, and said, it was not the high price of provisions, but the want of work, which distressed the peasantry in the country, at this moment. The consequence of the large majorities had been, to convince the people that the Bill would pass. What had been the consequence of that conviction? Why, the markets, even in London, had been low and dull.

Lord Milton agreed with those who looked upon the present question as a choice of evils, and would vote for that which, to him, appeared the lightest. He was most favourable to the principles of a free trade, but felt it necessary to look to any peculiar situation in which the country, or any class of the population may be placed, and which may require some

Mar. 3.---Petitions against any altera-modification of these principles. He was tion in the Corn Laws were presented however, of opinion, that the measure befrom the Ward of Bilingsgate, signed by fore the House should not be permanent. 1800 persons; Clerkenwell, Tiverton, Roch- By being temporary, it would, in his opidale, Trade House of Glasgow, Coventry, nion, be greatly improved. In his judg signed by 9,000 persons; parish of Christ- ment, the price of 80s. was preferable to church, signed by 3,000 persons; Wool- any other proposed. Present relief was wich, Ward of Bishopsgate, signed by all that he conceived the House was called 3,000 persons; County of Ayr, Parishes of upon to give. St. Mary, Whitechapel; St. Catharine;

Mr. Whitbread said the petitions of the

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-people were entitled to consideration, in | Council, 'to stop the importation of foreign the proportion of the numbers by which | corn, whenever it might be found necesthey were signed; for they were much sary; and by that means make the meamore competent to judge of arguments of sure a temporary one. food than of arguments of theology; and on the latter subject considerable stress ment, that this business should be reconGeneral Gascoyue moved as an amendhad been laid upon them, in the discussionsidered the first Monday after Easter.

of the Catholic question. He deprecated all kind of intemperance out of doors, and, for himself, disavowed a wish to court popularity, while he was ready to declare there was no reason for impugning the motives of others. If the House legislated for the interests of agriculture now, they might have an application from the mercial interests in eight months hence, and the one would be as much entitled to protection as the other.

ment. It would afford an opportunity for Mr. Protheroe supported the amendconsidering whether a medium price might not be taken, which would relieve the agriculturists, and yet meet the general feeling of the country.

com-gatived, by 137 against 61; and the origi General Gascoyne's amendment was nenal motion was carried, by 194 against 54.

Mr. Western was disposed to go to any extent for the purpose of conciliation, short of making the present measure an absolute nullity. The free importation of corn, under the present circumstances, would, for a time, be the means of having corn cheap; but by extinguishing the efforts of British agriculturists, it would permanently make corn dearer. The proportion of foreign corn which this country had imported during the many years that importation was free, never exceeded, on an average, a thirtieth part of the consumption. The amount of imported corn went so small a way in our general supply, that he might say, a stroke of the spade, or a turn of the plough, withdrawn from British agriculture, would take from the supply as much as any importation would replace.

Lord Castlereagh contended strenuously that 80 shillings was not too high a price against the importer, in the present situation of the agriculture of the country. He reprobated the principle of making it a temporary measure. Some permanent regulation was indispensably necessary, and every parliamentary proceeding was revocable at the discretion of the legislature first instance. For the sake of the lower without pledging itself to duration in the orders, who were affected not so much by an actual price as by uncertainty or fluetuation, he wished to see the Bill before the Committee pass into a law.

General Gascoyne's amendment for fixing the price at 74s. instead of 80s. was negatived, by 208 against 77.

Mr. Huskisson believed it would not be -the effect of the Bill to raise the price of corn, the consequence of it might be a Auctuation between 70s. and 80s. instead of tween 53s. and 130s. The average of the last ten years of war was 92s. and the present measure was founded upon 80s. which would give 13d. as the price of the quartern loaf in London, and not 16d. as had been stated from high civic authority. God forbid, that attention should not be paid to the petitions of the people; but upon a measure like that before them, the House was to judge for themselves, and to act according to the dictates of their own consciences. On a division: for the Bill 218 against 56.


March 6. Mr. York adverted to the facility with which numerously signed Petitions on the subject might be procured in the great towns, whilst the poor agriculturist might be reduced to a serf without the same means of uniting with his fellow sufferers to petition Parliament. He appealed to the notoriety of the distress of the farmers.

Sir G. Heathcote begged leave to call the attention of the House to the real question, which was this-The Govern

ment wanted to wind up the expences of the war; the sum was no less than 20,000,0001.; and in order to prevail on the landed interest to support them in the measures necessary to raise this sum, Ministers had thrown out the alluring bait of giving their aid to this measure respecting the Corn Laws. The only way to meet the matter fairly would be by an immediate reduction of the rents, which could not fail to produce the best possible effect, and would render the present very unpopular measure totally unnecessary. He thought it might be avoided by empowering the Prince Regent, with the advice of his Privy

[This important subject, rendered stil public mind, underwent, in all its stages, more important by the irritated state of the the most minute examination; and was at length finally settled, at the protecting price of 80s. The essence of the arguments are here given: the continuation afforded little new.]

of Buonaparte in the French army, his guards with his veterans, was destroyed in the battle of Waterloo; yet, as some escaped, that some is a source of anxiety, beinas-vastation and plunder, as when it invited cause it retains the same wishes for deits chief from Elba; and well it knows, that under a paternal sovereignty, it can expect no such gratifications.

would be at peace, were this heterogeneous In short, all the world is at peace, or assemblage reduced to its due place in the body politic. Its leaders cannot even resort to America; for America, happily for herself, no longer wages war.


Panorama Office, July 29, 1815. THE Drama differs from History, much as whatever subject it treats must have a regular termination; and if that be not analagous to the main sentiment of the piece the critic scowls, and the audience hisses. The drama, therefore, must select its subjects; but history is confined to truth, and is bound to relate facts as they rise, without wishing, even, for the distribution of poetical justice; much less for the power of executing political justice, on the delinquents whose crimes pollute its pages. History must relate the progress of successful bighwaymen on a great scale, equally as of the happiest results from the most benevolent of purposes. Examples are not wanting in history, of succeeding generations taking warning from the violences of those which went before, and condemning the enormities of their ancestors, by mingling a painful recollection, with a determination of practical repentance. This no drama can shew. Nevertheless, the public mind ever anxious to behold the denouement of the piece, waits for the catastrophe with an impatience proportioned to the interest it has taken in preceding scenes. Nothing can equal the interest taken by the public in scenes which have already appeared of the great political drama, passing before our eyes, and we confess somewhat of a mortification in not being able to place at the head of this paper

Exeunt Omnes, as we placed at the head of our last Exit Tyrannus,

The curtain has not yet fallen: the Tyrant is not yet executed: the block still awaits its victims: the actors still linger on the stage.

The thunder of applause from the assembled world of spectators suffers suspense, though the whole audience with every hand uplifted await: but the movement of a triumphant hero to rend the şkies with their acclamations, and crown the whole with their hearty, and even outrageous, plaudits.

Truth, however, is truth; and those who discerned in our last, a triumph somewhat inferior in tone to that of certain public journals, have probably by this time recollected themselves, and justified a caution derived from experience as well as information.

The chief support and stay of the power

They would, indeed, willingly resort to Spanish America, where the flames of strife continue unextinguished; but, to effect this, they must ask permission—and that from a power which they are sure

would refuse it.

For the same reasons as Britain would refuse a passage to South America to the leaders of the French army, she has refused the liberty of the seas to Napoleon, the quondam Emperor and King of all these bands. His presence would be dangerous there to him and to his emissaries, are owing the dreadful sufferings of that devoted Continent.

When he was in power, and intent on establishing his brother on the throne of the Spains, he had special views to the products of Spanish America. His wishes centered there. He commissioned various agents to promote his designs; and these, as unprincipled as himself, might be urged by his presence to further enormities: why not? since trouble and turmoil is their element,-their profitable element. It is wise, then, to forbid his transit across the Atlantic, although that transit be transportation. Neither this chief nor his bands can be trusted the rage for benevolent bauditti is over.


We shall be more at our ease when the blood-thirsty adherents of Buonaparte, in France, are disbanded; and when a new generation of loyalist soldiers are in arms.

In the mean while, France is ravaged by a war, that well deserves the name of civil ant horrors: and towns taken by storm, or war; in many places it brings its attendvillages consumed by flames, instruct the French people a little in the nature of those calamities their armies have inflicted on others. We say a little because we have heard well-authenticated reports of more than_savage barbarities perpetrated by the French troops, beyond any in the power of their most inveterate enemies to retaliate.


We have said that Paris capitulated: this took place July 8. The principal articles are, that the French army shall put itself in march to morrow, to take up its position behind the Loire. Paris shall be completely evacuated in three days; and the movement behind the Loire shall be effected within eight days. The French army shall take with it all its material, field artillery, military chest, horses, and property of regiments, without exception. All persons belonging to the depots shall also be removed, as well as those belonging to the different branches of administration, which belong to the army. The wives and children of all individuals belonging to the French army, shall be at liberty to remain in Paris. The wives shall be allowed to quit Paris for the purpose of rejoining the army, and to carry with them their property, and that of their husbands. The officers of the line employed with the Féderés, or with the Tirailleurs of the National Guard, may either join the army, or return to their homes, or the places of their birth. To-morrow, the 4th of July, at mid-day, St. Denis, St. Omen, Clichy, and Nonilly, shall be given up. The day after to-morrow, the 5th, at the same hour, Montmartre shall be given up. The third day, the 6th, all the barriers shall be given. up. The duty of the city of Paris shall continue to be done by the National Guard, and by the corps of the municipal gens d'armerie. The Commanders in Chief of the English and Prussian armies engage to respect, and to make those under their command respect, the actual authorities, so long as they shall exist. Public property, with the exception of that which relates to war, whether it belongs to the Government, or depends upon the Municipal Authority, shall be respected, and the Allied Powers will not interfere in any manner with its administration and management. Private persons and property shall be equally respected.

If difficulties arise in the execution of any one of the articles of the present Convention, the interpretation of it shall be made in favour of the French army and of the city of Paris.

Need we add, that the Buonapartean House of Peers and Chamber of Representatives are dissolved:-that just as they had finished-finished!! A NEW CONSTITUTION! for France, they were ungraciously forbidden the use of their own hall, in which to read it, and found the doors shut against them, and locked. Miserable representatives of a miserable people! Yet report affirms, that out of eighty-five departments

This observes, the Duke of Wellington, is a military operation only, and touches nothing political. The French army in consequence, retired behind the Loire, under the orders of Davoust; thinned by desertion of those who wished to make their peace with the King, and augmented by such as determined to oppose to the last. In the issue and after hope of effectual re

of old France, forty-five had not sent de-sistance has expired, it has affected to puties to this National Assembly. make an equivocal submission to Royal Au


Familiarity with such reports has-possibly had its inherent effect on us, as on others; and we too, are touched with that induration of heart, that apathy which repels compassion, as it would start into exercise, were a people of simple habits and innocent manners, under the same, or even less painful misfortunes.

Principally, however, this feeling, or rather, this want of feeling, becomes operative when the guilty Capital rises before our indignant imagination. Paris was the great focus of sedition at first; the soul and center of Jacobin strength. Who overturned the throne and the altar, if not the factions of Paris? who brought their benevolent Monarch to the block, if not the sans-culottes of Paris? who spread desolation throughout France, throughout Europe, if not the vitiated citoyens of Paris? and on whom did the late sanguinary tyrant rely, if not on the Federès, selected from the dregs of that enormously vicious metropolis. Let Paris suffer, its sufferings can never equal the thousandth part of what that city by her atrocities has inflicted on others. Where is the country, the voice of whose blood does not cry from the ground? Let Paris suffer; its inclination will be as rampant as before, when the constraint is removed its power must be reduced; and then its inclination may be staggered.

Our readers have seen in our preceding pages, that in the battle of Waterloo, the French Army was destroyed:-that Lord Wellington profiting by his victory, marched on Paris, in conjunction with the veteran Blucher;-that Paris, though reinforced by the corps of troops that had escaped from Waterloo, to the number of 40 or 50,000 men, capitulated, and the French Army retired to take quarters beyond the river Loire. In the mean time, the King of France returned to his capital which he entered July 11, and where the Emperors of Austria and Russia, with the King of Prussia, and other potentates, their representatives, are now his visitors. In effect, the Congress is removed from Vienna to Paris.

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