logical and concise mode of reasoning will be employed; and all precipitancy of speech and extempore effusions will be

out making any mention of the contrary sentiments.-Let them reflect on the judgment which all good, prudent, and wise men will form of them, when they hear, that the Remonstrants, having been summoned to deliver a profession of their own faith and not of other people's, chose to busy themselves with the discussion of the opinions of other men, rather than with the defence of their own. Let them likewise consider, what the judgment of those churches which they serve will be, when they hear, that their pastors have been far more solicitous about the unbelieving goats than about the believing sheep; and that they preferred to depart from the care of the elect sheep, rather than to yield obedience to the magistracy and the Synod in a matter that was so very equitable."-These are only brief extracts from the reasons of two of the most moderate colleges. Those recondite, shrewd, and laboured arguments for the precedence of Election, and others to shew the extreme equity of interrogating each of the cited persons singly, and of allowing them to propose, explain, and defend their doctrines, only so far as the Synod should think fit, occupy no less than sixteen pages, in the quarto copy of the Acts, published by authority of the States General. But these extracts are ample enough to shew the utter reluctance which that grand body of Calvinists evinced to have the nakedness of their unscriptural doctrine of absolute reprobation discovered. One of the most futile arguments which they employ, is, "the injustice of thus disturbing the consciences of the Elect on account of God's judgments against the Reprobates." Does this import, that some of the Elect of that age were inclined (O heinous offence!) to put on bowels of compassion' for the reputed reprobates, and thus to draw within their minds and from their own feelings some faint image or conception of the infinitely more expansive yearnings of the Divine Benevolence? Or does it mean, that "this disturbing of the consciences of the Elect" would be fatal to their personal salvation? If the former be the true signification of the expression, the more frequent the recurrence of such compunctious visitings and sympathetic feelings, the more humbling and salutary for the individuals themselves; for they will be induced to compare their internal sensations with those encouraging descriptions of God which are contained in his word, and they will soon learn to confess,

"The Lord is merciful to ALL

Our lost apostate race!"

But if the latter be the real import of the expression, does it not betoken, that Calvinistic Election is not eternal, but liable to be lost? Or, is it (as many of the profane have supposed) a mere imaginary matter, so that when a forward man chooses to put himself into the favourable scale of election, he is a saint, till he suffers himself to doubt, or till he begins to feel a "disturbing" concern for the welfare of others not so highly favoured as himself? It is undoubtedly true, that this inward and strong persuasion of being among the chosen few, is, of the many tokens of individual election, one in which almost every Calvinistic writer of any repute agrees, when he lays down what he conceives to be the proper data of such a felicitous state, however greatly several of his other data may differ from those of his brethren. To induce such bold warriors as Oliver Cromwell and Prince Maurice to account themselves elect ones, is an easy matter, even on such slight grounds as those adduced by their respective ghostly advisers. In the perilous circumstances in which they were both placed, Cromwell shewed himself to be by far the more courageous soldier: For he talks like an old veteran about "laying hold upon free-grace," and "putting yourself under a covenant of works," just as if either of these acts, however they may be theoretically contemplated in Calvin's scheme, were, in point of actual practice, purely a matter of personal

avoided. To each of the parties such an equal space of time will be allowed as may appear necessary for due meditation; and, to avoid many inconveniences and absurdities, every speech intended for delivery will be comprised in writing, and will be recited from the manuscript.* No one option. But Calvinist teachers meet with few affairs of greater difficulty than that of persuading men of diffident and retiring spirits to reckon themselves among the chosen. The tenets of the Arminians are known to be much more evangelical than those of the Semi-Pelagians; yet even the latter have in this particular an advantage over the Calvinists. For they apply to all professors of religion that unerring test of our Lord, By their FRUITS ye shall know them;' and they send all their adherents to prove their faith by their works, and to try themselves, their actions and their affections, by the law and the testimony.'

Before we dismiss the doctors who thus skilfully screened the doctrine of unconditional Reprobation from the horrid doom to which it was destined, it may be proper to state, that the Hessian and Embden divines, in delivering their judgments on that momentous occasion, talked about the Remonstrants as "cited and guilty persons;" and among other matters informed them, "that it is not the province of cited and guilty persons to prescribe rules to judges." But before we conclude, we must quote this expression of the deputies from Geneva: "It is astonishing to us, that men, who are few in number and only moderately endowed with other qualities, should arrogate to themselves a Dictatorial power over the spirits, the doctrine and the judgments of men, who were beyond all exception greater than themselves ;—and should in such an obstinate or fearful mauner endeavour to avoid all judgment on the part of others, however legally it may have been instituted, unless it be in every respect favourable to them and accommodated to their conceptions!"

No one who has contemplated the effect produced by particular doctrines on the very countenances of some men, will consider a digression about absolute Reprobation to be misplaced in this note. Bogerman, the great defender of that frightful doctrine, seems to have had “NO PITY FOR REPROBATES" engraven on his formidable brow: The same observation applies to his compeer Gomarus, if the noble portraits, contained in the English translation of BRANDT'S History of the Reformation in the Low Countries, be faithful likenesses. But I am half inclined to believe, that either the celebrated GEORGE • VERTUE who engraved those portraits, or the artist from whom he copied them, was a zealous Arminian: For on the clear and unruffled forehead of ARMINIUS he has impressed all the mildness and amplitude of “ A MOST STRENUOUS DEFENDER OF THE DIVINE PHILANTHROPY," and has infused much sagacity and thoughtfulness into the general and striking benevolence of his aspect. The countenance of Arminius, in the engraving by Vertue, is more pleasing and majestic than that in the portrait which is prefixed to this translation of his works: The latter is copied from a Dutch engraving, that is represented to be a good likeness of what the noble Professor was, before he began to droop and decline.

It is a subject of deep regret, that these excellent rules were not observed at the Synod of Dort. "Precipitancy of speech and extempore effusions" were but too frequent in that reverend assembly, not only in the treatment which the cited Remonstrants experienced, but in the conduct of some of the memhers towards each other. As one instance, among many, of this disregard of "Dialectics, and of a logical and concise mode of reasoning," take the following extract from HALES'S Letters.

"It hath been lately questioned, how Christ is said to be Fundamentum Electionis. The doctrine generally received by the Contra-Remonstrant in

shall be permitted to interrupt or to close a disputation, unless, in the opinion of the whole assembly, it appear that sufficient this point is, That God, first of all, resolved upon the salvation of some singular persons; and, in the second place, upon Christ as a mean to bring this decree to pass.' So that, with them, God the Father alone is the author of our election, and Christ only the executioner.-Others on the contrary teach, that Christ is so to be held Fundamentum Electionis, as that he is not only the executioner of election, but the author and the procurer of it :' For proof of which they bring the words of the Apostle to the Ephesians, the first chapter, Elegit nos in Christo, ante jacta mundi fundamenta, [' He hath chosen us in Christ before the foundation of the world.'] The exposition of this text was the especial thing discussed at this meeting [Session 65] : and some taught, that Christ was Fundamentum Electionis, because he was primus Electorum [the first of the elect']; or because he is Fundamentum Electorum, but not Electionis, [' the foundation of the elect' but not of election,']; or because he is Fundamentnm beneficiorum [' the foundation of the benefits'], which descend upon us: others brooked none of those restraints. Dr. Gomarus stands for the former sentence, and in defence of it had said many things ou Friday. This night Martinius of Breme, being required to speak his mind, signified to the Synod, that he made some scruple concerning the doctrine passant about the manner of Christ's being Fundamentum Electionis, and that he thought Christ, not only the Effector of our election, but also the Author and Procurer thereof. Gomarus, who owes the Synod a shrewd turn, (and then, I fear me, began to come out of debt,) presently, as soon as Martinius had spoken, starts up, and tells the Synod, Ego hanc rem in me recipio, ['I take this charge to myself,'] and therewithal casts his glove, and challenges Martinius with this proverb, Ecce Rhodum, ecce saltum, ['Here is your test shew yourself courageous,'] and requires the Synod to grant them a duel,-adding that he knew Martinius could say nothing in refutation of that doctrine. Martinius, who goes in æquipace with Gomarus in learning, and a little before him for his discretion, easily digested this affront; and, after some few words of course, by the wisdom of the Præses matters seemed to be little pacified, and so, according to the custom, the Synod with prayer concluded. Zeal and devotion had not so well allayed the choler of Gomarus, but immediately after prayers he renewed his challenge and required combat with Martinius again; but they parted for that night without blows. Martinius, as it seems, is somewhat favourable to some tenets of the Remonstrants concerning Reprobation, the latitude of Christ's merit, the salvation of infants, &c.; and, to bring him to some conformity, was there a private meeting of the foreign Divines upon Wednesday morning, in my Lord Bishop's lodging; in which thus much was obtained, that, though he would not leave his conclusions, yet he promised moderation and temper in such manner, that there should be no dissension in the Synod by reason of any opinion of his." On the same subject he writes thus in his next letter: "When Dr. Davenant had spoken, the auditory was commanded to depart. For having a purpose that others should speak at the same time, and fearing that some diversity of opinion might rise and occasion some dissension, it was thought fit that things should be transacted as privately as might be. Many more of the foreigners delivered themselves that night; and, amongst the rest, Martinius of Breme proposed again his former doubts unto the Synod, concerning the sense in which Christ is said to be Fundamentum Electionis, and requested to be resolved. But D. Gomarus at this time was somewhat better advised, and thought it best to hold his peace." And he briefly concludes his account of this matter in the following words: "My Lord Bishop of late hath taken some pains with Martinius of Breme, to bring him from his opinion of Universal Grace. By chance I came to see his letter written to Martinius, in which he expounded that place in the Third of John, So God loved the world, that he gave his only begotten Son,' &c.; which is the strongest ground upon which Martinius rests himself."

reasons have been advanced to satisfy the subject under discussion. (2) When a disputation is finished, a grave and mature deliberation will be instituted both concerning the controversies themselves and the arguments employed by both sides; that, the limits of the matter under dispute being laid down with great strictness, and the amplitude of debate being contracted into a very narow compass, the question on which the assembly has to decide and pronounce may be perceived as at one glance with complete distinctness. (3) To these will succeed, in the proper course, a free declaration of opinion,a right, the benefit of which will belong equally to all that are convened of each party, without excluding from it any of those who, though not invited, may have voluntarily come to the town or city in which the Synod is convened, and who may have been admitted into it by the consent of the members. +

In a subsequent part of this narrative, it will be shewn, how ill several of these rules were observed at the Synod, and that, in consequence of its peculiar constitution and because it contained but one party, many of these excellent directions became nullities.

+ The reader will, in Bishop Womack's pamphlet, perceive the manner in which this "free declaration of opinion" was often granted, even to the members themselves. In regard to the treatment of the Remonstrants, freedom of speech was scarcely ever granted to them, during the short intervals in which they were permitted to be present at some of the early sessions of the Synod. Thus, they complain, after one of them had put this close question to the President," In case the Lutherans could prevail with the Elector of Saxony to convene a Synod, in which they alone might sit as judges, ought Dr. Pelargus, who had lately quitted their party and become Calvinist, for which the Lutherans have actually hindered him from sitting in this Synod to which he had been deputed,―ought he and those who are of his present persuasion, to submit to such a Lutheran Council?" (See page 419.) This was such an argumentum ad hominem as did not suit Bogerman, who accordingly made no reply; but, by a stretch of his authority, commanded silence, and ordered them to pass on to some other matter. "This," say the Remonstrants, “was the expedient which he practised whenever he found himself closely pressed and incapable of proceeding. He would then exclaim, Enough! Enough! Withdraw!'"-In the very next session, when Episcopius had begun to exculpate the cited Remonstrants from a false charge which had been preferred against them, he was interrupted, first by Heinsius, and afterwards by Bogerman; and thus injuriously compelled to abandon their necessary defence.

In the latter clause of the sentence in the text, Arminius does not appear to refer to common spectators, who, from the commencement, were allowed to be present at the different sessions, except when some affair of great importance was to be discussed: Thus, when the opinions of the deputies from different states and provinces were to be read in the Synod, (WOMACK'S Brief Account IV, 4,) it was ordered that all spectators, Contra-Remonstrants as well as Remonstrants, should be excluded from the Synod-house.-Hales bas an entertaining extract on this subject. In the session of the 16th of Jan., he says, there was some discourse ❝ concerning their auditory. For they questioned whether they should admit of hearers, or do all in private. Old Sibran

And since nothing to the present period has proved to be a greater hindrance to the investigation of truth or to the condus was very hot against the auditory, and thought it not fit that any care should be had of them, as being only Mulierculæ, et pauculi juvenes incauti. [weak women and a few listless young fellows]. There is some reason of this complaint of his, for many youths, yea and artificers, and I know not what rabble besides, thrust in, and trouble the place. As for women, whole toops of them have been seen there, and the best places for spectators reserved for them. Which thing must needs expose the Synod to the scorn of those, who lie in wait to take exception against it. But the Synod hath determined in fayour of their auditory, that sessions consultatory and provisional shall be private, but Sessions wherein they discuss and conclude shall be public." Many of these spectators came from distant parts of the country, expecting to be amused or edified by a verbal conference between the Remonstrants and their adversaries. For though all of them could not be supposed to understand the language in which the discussions would be conducted, yet, by a slight attention to the temper of each of the speakers as displayed in his countenance and the tone of his voice, they might soon have framed a tolerably accurate graduated scale of the different degrees of Calvinian elevation to which they had attained, from that of the English and Bremen divines, who declared themselves (on the second article) in favour of General Redemption, through the intermediate opinions of Walæus, Tossanus, Hommius, Lubbertus, and Voetius, up to those of the worshipfnl the President, who was the stern and strenuous defender of absolute Reprobation, and that determined Supralapsarian old Gomarus! But all hopes of an entertainment of this kind vanished, when, on the thirtieth session, it was announced to the Remonstrants by the Lay Commissioners, "that it never had been the intention of the States General that such a conference or disputation should be held, as is usual in the schools between two opponents; but that they [the Remonstrants] should propose, explain and defend their doctrines in writing, and then wait for the determination of the Synod." Many strangers who heard this decision, declared that they would not have come to Dort, if they had imagined that a mutual discussion would have been refused.-To remedy this public disappointment, the managers of the Synod endeavoured to be as accommodating as possible: For when, about the middle of February, the public sessions were less frequent than they had been, the people were promiscuously admitted into their private sessions, and allowed to remain till the prayers were ended, after which the members proceeded to business in committees or colleges, and the spectators withdrew. This arrangement was then said to have been made in consequence of the complaints of the innkeepers and excise-officers, who had suffered a great decline in business and revenue since the cessation of public sessions. To prevent a further defalcation, the reverend Synod in all humility of mind consented thus to become, during half an hour in each session, a sort of public show or spectacle.

But, on particular occasions, spectators of the Remonstrant persuasion were directed to be excluded; and the police officers, who had charge of the entrance, took good care to admit into the chamber none but well-known Calvinists. Thus, on the 7th of Jan., when the Synodical Acts of a few preceding sessions were to be repeated, John Narsius, the young man to whom Arminius addressed the letter quoted at the commencement of this oration, and who was on that day among the crowd of spectators, was called out hastily by one of the door-keepers, as though some one wished to speak to him, and was not suffered again to enter. John Grevius also, formerly Remonstrant pastor of Heusden, endeavoured on the same day to gain admission, but was prevented by one of the police, who informed him of the strict orders which they had received concerning persons of his denomination.-For three or four sessions after the dismission of the cited Remonstrants from the Synod, (on the fourteenth of Jan.,) while that sacred body of men were