The first is a plea of loyal and peaceable | ty with their avowed principles. Whilst conduct of the romanists of the empire since these laws remained unrepealed, the romanthe revolution. When the Romish scheme ists were more peaceable subjects than they of subversion of the protestant establishment now are, because it was not in their power in church and state, under the conduct, to be otherwise: the maniac in a straight patronage, and influence of the bigoted mo- waistcoat, or the tiger in a cage, can do no narch who then swayed the British sceptre, mischief, yet deserve no commendation for was completely defeated by the spirit of the their gentleness. The British ministry, innation (raised and directed by the renowned fluenced by active and able Romish agents William III.), but through the medium of a (particularly the late Mr. Edmund Burke), bloody civil war, from the obstinate resist- and imposed upon by the grossest falsehoods ance of the Irish romanists, the political and misrepresentations (which have had a power and consequence of the romanists in powerful effect on them, from their own abGreat Britain were annihilated, and in Ire- solute ignorance of the true state of Ireland reduced to a very low ebb. In Great land), have, for these twenty years last past Britain their dwarfish number, compared and upwards, exerted all their influence in with the gigantic multitude of protestants, the Irish parliament to procure the repeal of ensured the political impotence of the sect; these laws, session after session, and have but the case was different in Ireland: the ro- in a great measure succeeded, though they manists exceeded the other subjects in num- have not yet procured the repeal of the pober in that country (though not in the mag- pery code in England in the same degree. nified ratio stated in their own inflated ac- In this respect they treated the Irish nation counts), which prevented their sinking into in the way that condemned malefactors have political impotence. Yet their decisive de- been sometimes treated, on whom dangerous feat at that period reduced them to great po- experiments in physic and surgery have litical imbecility: though fallen to the earth been tried, before their general application in both kingdoms, their reiterated conspira- is sanctioned to the public. The English cies and rebellions induced the state to guard ministry, not content, in the year 1793, against their acquisition of new strength after with procuring a bill to pass in the Irish partheir fall, Antæus-like: hence sprung the liament, for repealing all the laws which system of what are called popery laws in both disabled romanists to vote at elections of kingdoms, enacted since the revolution. members of parliament, prefaced the bill These laws, by popish writers, and the abet- with an assertion I cannot admit, to wit, tors of popery throughout the empire, are that the conduct of the romanists had been represented as most oppressive and unjust; loyal. Whoever will take the trouble of and as the causes of the notorious disaffec- turning to the Irish acts of the 19th of Geo. tion of the romanists to the state, and of II. of the 29th of Geo. II. and to all the their conspiracies, massacres, and rebellions; acts passed in Ireland for twenty years prebut this is a gross misrepresentation; for ceding the year 1793, for the suppression of that part of the code particularly complained the petty rebellions of the White Boys and of as unjust and oppressive, was enacted in Defenders, all romanists, who have from the reigns of William and Aune, after their time to time infested and desolated several conspiracies, massacres, and rebeilions, had parts of Ireland, committing the most atrobeen plotted and executed, and therefore cious acts of treason, will be clearly conwas the effect, and not the cause, of their vinced that the Irish romanists have no good notorious disaffection and treasons. And claim to the character of loyal subjects, these laws could not have been the causes of from the time of the revolution to the era of the last rebellion and massacre in Ireland, their late rebellion. But supposing it were for they were all repealed prior to that re- admitted, for argument's sake, that romanbellion and massacre. The popery code was ists have been generally peaceable subjects, nearly the same in both kingdoms.-These from the revolution till a few years before wise laws (for wise and provident they were, the breaking out of the late rebellion (loyal notwithstanding the false and clamorous de- it cannot be pretended that they were, their clamations of romanists and their abettors avowed principle of the subjection of the against them) prohibited romanists from nation to a foreign ycke being disloyal), they the acquisition of landed property, political can derive no merit from such peaceable deinfluence, and power, in both countries; meanour the popery code rendered their and thereby disabled them in a great mea- submission to the laws a matter of necessisure from disturbing the state, in conformi- ty; they were peaceable because they were

presentatives of all the romanists of Ireland, on the point should induce all loyal subjects, these resolutions, together with abstracts of who have been deluded into an opinion of the speeches of the principal demagogues its utility to the state, to re-examine the among them, were published in most of the grounds of their opinion, and the authentifactious papers, both in Great Britain and city of the information on which they formIreland. Here then is proof positive of ed it. It is fit to be remarked, that the first the hostile sentiments of the whole mass of decisive step of the French revolutionists in Irish romanists, not of any partial body their career of anarchy, was the subversion of them, to the measure of and incorporat- of their church establishment, which led iming union of the two nations so late as the mediately to the subversion of their civil year 1795. Their declarations against government. The consequence of the prothe measure did not stop there: in the year posed measure, if adopted, will be the same 1799, as soon as an union was proposed in the British empire; it therefore meets by government, a meeting of the ro- the approbation of all the Jacobins in it, manists of the city of Dublin was convened To demonstrate that Irish romanists neiby their leaders at the Royal Exchange; ther gave, nor could give, any assistance to at this meeting, a very general one, they en- the measure of an incorporating union, it is tered into violent resolutions against an only necessary to state a known matter of union, which they published as usual in the fact, which is, that a great majority of the factious papers both in England and Ireland. Irish parliament would never have agreed The same line of conduct was pursued in to an incorporating union with Great Briseveral other parts of Ireland, though this tain, if any hint had been given, or had it hostility of the Irish romanists to an union even been suspected, that the present measure was perfectly impotent, the political imbe- would be attempted, after an union had taken cility of the whole sect, particularly after the place. I call on the persons concerned on suppression of their then recent rebellion, the part of government in conducting the rendering them incapable either of promot- business of the union in the Irish house of ing or obstructing the measure; yet the En- commons to deny this fact, if they can; for glish government in Ireland condescended my own part, I can truly aver, that, instead to negotiate with the party, and endeavour- of warmly supporting the measure of an ed to procure signatures of the dregs of the union in the Irish commons, I would people of that persuasion to papers and ad- have opposed it to the utmost of my power, dresses in favours of the measure. Several had I suspected that such a measure addresses of this kind appeared in the go- as the present would have been introduced vernment prints; the names of wretches into the imperial parliament, in the event of who could not write their names, appeared an incorporating union taking place; and I as if they were subscribers to such addresses. know many members of the Irish commons, The very gaols were canvassed to procure supporters of the union, who would have subscribers, and multitudes of names ap- decidedly opposed it, had they any suspipeared, as the names of real subscribers to cion of the present measure being one of these addresses, though persons of such its consequences: in short, a great majority names did not exist in the places from which of the Irish commons would have done so. the addresses were stated to have been sent: One principal argument made use of by all in short, with all the activity and intrigue the agents of government to the Irish memof government, no considerable body of bers to induce them to agree to an union romanists throughout the kingdom could was, that all hostility of the British cabinet to be procured publicly to avow their approba- Irish protestants, and all further encouragetion of the measure. It is admitted, that ment and support of Irish romanists, would many honest men, and good subjects at this for ever cease, on an union between the side of the water (utterly ignorant of the two countries taking place, because all instate of Ireland, and of Irish affairs) have ducement to such a species of policy would been duped, by the grossest falsehoods and then for ever cease. Could any British submisrepresentations, into an approbation of the ject ever suspect that in the reign of a prince measure now in debate; and that there is a of the house of Brunswick, a measure would difference of opinion among men of that de- be proposed in a British parliament, the atscription respecting it; but amohg dema- tempting of which cost the unhappy James gogues, republicans, and infidels, there is no II. his crown, expatriated him and his posdifference of opinion on it. They are una-terity, and caused a breach in the hereditary pimous in its support; and their unanimity succession of our kings, always a serious

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of France, and (echoing the words of James II. in support of the same measure) that it will render the subjects of the British empire, happy and ourishing at home, and formidable abroad. But it is demonstrable that the adoption of it will produce the direct contrary effect, and will arm the romanists with a formidable power, which they will infallibly exercise for the destruction of the state. The religious tenets of romanists render them irreconcilable enemies to a protestant state; they must cease to be romanists before their hostility to such a state can be extinguished: they hold, as infallible doctrines, the decrees of the fourth Lateran council: they hold as a point of faith, the supremacy of the pope: they hold themselves bound by all the obligations of religion, to propagate these doctrines by every means of persuasion and force. In conformity with such doctrines they hold, that all people, differ

evil in an hereditary monarchy ? Asto-ready proved, that it cannot be esteemed a nishing, that what our kings could not even reward of their merits, for merits they have attempt with impunity, should be, after a none. The favourers of this measure allapse of one century, daringly attempted; lege, that it is calculated to produce unaniand that too under the reign of a prince, mity among the European subjects of the whose sole title to the crown rests on a prin- British empire, now more necessary than ciple, directly adverse and opposite to the heretofore to the prosperity and independprinciple of this measure! His title is a pro-ence of the state, from the overgrown power testant title, and, thanks to heaven! our monarch is a protestant, a sincere one, and bound by his oath, and as strongly by his principles, to maintain the protestant religion as by law established. This measure directly tends to the sapping of his title; for if it is just and advantageous to the state, now to invest romanists with equal political privileges with protestants, it was equally so in the reign of king James II. Such a measure, now that an union between Great Bri'tain and Ireland has taken place, is more mischievous to the British empire, than it could have been in the reign of James; because in his reign few romanists could obtain seats in the British parliament, as their sect was not then, nor is it now, very numerous in Great Britain. But Irish romanists, if this measure succeeds, will obtain seats in the imperial parliament, and in the course of a few years (as will be presently shewn) above eighty romanists, out of the hundred Irish commoners, willing from them in matters of faith, are hereobtain seats in the imperial parliament :-a strong band, indissolubly knit together, who will certainly be allies to every junto of republicans, every band of dissenters, in every opposition to government, unless they shall be gratified to the utmost extent of their wishes, by the utter subversion of the constitution in church and state. Can any doc-reason will answer in the affirmative. No trine make more for the purposes and de- protestant state in Europe, in the governsigns of the infidel and republican factions ment of which the people at large had a in qur empire? Can any measure more di- share, such as the republic of the United Prorectly tend to the subversion of our consti- vinces before the late revolution, ever adtution in church and state, and the introduc-mitted a romanist, or any person who did tion of anarchy, democracy, and infidelity? not profess the religion of the state, to any It may be justly remarked, that this measure for the elevation and aggrandisement of popery, following so immediately on the heels of the Romish rebellion in Ireland, and the horrible massacre of the Irish protestants in the course of it, coupled with the almost general pardon of the principal traitors and murderers, actors in it, if it should be adopted, must, by every reasonable man, be considered as a public reward conferred on Irish romanists for their rebellion and cruel murder of their protestant fellow subjects in cold blood; and that too a reward of the utmost magnitude and value; it is al

tics doomed to eternal perdition: they hold that no faith is to be kept with heretics: they hold that no oaths of allegiance to an heretical prince or government are binding, Can the members of such a sect be admitted to share in the government of a protestant state? I conceive that no honest man in his

portion of political power. No arguments in favour of the measure can be deduced from the employment of romanists in some departments of the state by protestant despotic princes; because in their states the people at large have no political power, and the ministers must implicitly obey the orders, of the prince; yet even in such despotic states, the instances of the elevation of romanists to great employments are very few, if any. It may be objected, that romanists declare themselves ready to swear allegiance in temporal matters to a protestant govern ment; and assert, that they hold no such