limited period, the proportion of the whole contribution, from time to time, might be made to depend on the comparative produce in each country, of such general taxes as might be thought to afford the best criterion of wealth; or the system of internal taxation might gradually be so equalized and assimilated, on the leading articles, as to make all rules of specific proportion unnecessary, and to secure Ireland from being ever taxed but in proportion as we should tax ourselves.

The application of these principles would form matter of future discussion; he mentioned them only as strongly shewing, from the misrepresentation, which had taken place on that part of the subject, how incumbent it was upon the house to receive these propositions, and to adopt, after due deliberation, such resolutions as might record to Ireland the terms, upon which we were ready to meet her. And in the mean time wait, not without impatience, but without dissatisfaction, for that moment, when the effect of reason and discussion would reconcile the minds of men in that kingdom to a measure, which he was sure would be found as necessary for their peace and happiness as it would be conducive to the general security and advantage of the British empire.

Mr. Pitt then presented to the house eight resolutions, which he had prepared, embracing the general plan of the Union.

"I. In order to promote and secure the essential interests of "Great Britain and Ireland, and to consolidate the strength, power, and resources of the British empire, it will be advisable "to concur in such measures as may best tend to unite the two "kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland into one kingdom, in “such manner, and on such terms and conditions, as may be "established by acts of the respective parliaments of his majes"ty's said kingdoms.

"II. It would be fit to propose as the first article, to serve as a basis of the said Union, that the said kingdoms of Great Bri"tain and Ireland shall, on a day to be agreed upon, be united "into one kingdom, by the name of the United Kingdom of "Great Britain and Ireland.

"III. For the same purpose it would be fit to propose, that "the succession to the monarchy and the imperial crown of the "said united kingdom, shall continue limited and settled, in the 66 same manner as the imperial crown of the said kingdoms of "Great Britain and Ireland now stands limited and settled, ac66 cording to the existing laws, and to the terms of the Union "between England and Scotland.

"IV. For the same purpose it would be fit to propose, that "the said united kingdom be represented in one and the same &6 parliament, to be styled the Parliament of the United Kingdom

"of Great Britain and Ireland; and that such a number of lords "spiritual and temporal, and such a number of members of the "House of Commons, as shall be hereafter agreed upon by acts "of the respective parliaments as aforesaid, shall sit and vote in "the said parliament on the part of Ireland, and shall be sum"moned, chosen, and returned, in such manner as shall be fixed "by an act of the parliament of Ireland previous to the said "Union; and that every member hereafter to sit and vote in "the said parliament of the united kingdom shall, until the said "parliament shall otherwise provide, take, and subscribe the "said oaths, and make the same declarations, as are by law re"quired to be taken, subscribed, and made, by the members of "the parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland.

"V. For the same purpose it would be fit to propose, that the "churches of England and Ireland, and the doctrine, worship, "discipline, and government thereof, shall be preserved as now "by law established.

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"VI. For the same purpose it would be fit to propose, that "his majesty's subjects in Ireland shall at all times hereafter be "entitled to the same privileges, and be on the same footing in "respect of trade and navigation, in all ports and places be"longing to Great Britain, and in all cases with respect to "which treaties shall be made by his majesty, his heirs or suc"cessors, with any foreign power, as his majesty's subjects in Great Britain; that no duty shall be imposed on the import or export between Great Britain and Ireland of any articles now duty free; and that on other articles there shall be esแ tablished, for a time to be limited, such a moderate rate, "of equal duties as shall, previous to the Union, be agreed upon and approved by the respective parliaments, subject, "after the expiration of such limited time, to be diminished "equally with respect to both kingdoms, but in no case to be "increased; that all articles, which may at any time hereafter be "imported into Great Britain from foreign parts, shall be im"portable through either kingdom into the other, subject to the "like duties and regulations as if the same were imported di"rectly from foreign parts; that where any articles, the growth, "produce, or manufacture of either kingdom, are subject to "any internal duty in one kingdom, such countervailing duties "(over and above any duties on import to be fixed as aforesaid) "shall be imposed as shall be necessary to prevent any inequa "lity in that respect; and that all matters, of trade and com"merce other than the foregoing, and than such others as may "before the Union be specially agreed upon for the due encou"ragement of the agriculture and manufactures of the respective "kingdoms, shall remain to be regulated from time to time by "the united parliament.

"VII. For the like purpose it would be fit to propose, that the "charge arising from the payment of the interest, or sinking "fund for the reduction of the principal of the debt incurred in "either kingdom before the Union, shall continue to be se"parately defrayed by Great Britain and Ireland respec"tively; that, for a number of years to be limited, the future "ordinary expences of the united kingdom, in peace or war, "shall be defrayed by Great Britain and Ireland jointly, ac"cording to such proportions as shall be established by the res"pective parliaments previous to the Union; and that, after "the expiration of the time to be so limited, the proportion shall "not be liable to be varied, except according to such rates and principles as shall be in like manner agreed upon previous to "the Union.

"VIII. For the like purpose it would be fit to propose, that "all laws in force at the time of the Union, and all the "courts of civil or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the respec"tive kingdoms, shall remain as now by law established within "the same, subject only to such alterations or regulations from "time to time, as circumstances may appear to the parliament "of the united kingdom to require."

Mr. Pitt at the same time moved an address to accompany the resolutions, stating, that the commons had proceeded with the utmost attention to the consideration of the important objects recommended in the royal message; that they entertained a firm persuasion of the probable benefits of a complete and entire Union between Great Britain and Ireland, founded on equal and liberal principles; and that they were therefore induced to lay before his majesty such propositions, as appeared to them to be best calculated to form the basis of such a settlement, leaving it to his wisdom, in due time and in a proper manner, to communicate them to the lords and commons of Ireland, with whom they would be at all times ready to concur in all such measures as might be found most conducive to the accomplishment of that great and salutary work.

Mr. Sheridan cautioned the house against the seductive force of the minister's oratory, which might mislead some into an assent or concurrence, that their cooler reason would condemn. He contended, that in the alarming state of Ireland, it was unsafe to drive a spirited nation into an experiment of so delicate and so important a nature. The fate of the question, when it was lately agitated in Ireland, might reasonably induce him to desist from the prosecution of the scheme; but, as he had solemnly pledged himself for the exertion of his most strenuous efforts to produce an Union of the two kingdoms, it might be apprehended, that he would pursue his course in defiance of every obstacle, would make use of artifice to gain his point, flat

ter and delude the Irish, and by seeming to respect their declared opinion, lull them into inactivity, the more completely to subjugate them to slavery. The House, Mr. Sheridan hoped, would not be so inconsiderate as to adopt a system, which would cherish animosity and discord, where affection ought to be conciliated, and harmony established, which would sow dissension bes tween the commons and the peers of Ireland, irritate the whole parliament by holding it up to view as a feeble and inefficient body, duped by English factions, and array the British House of Commons against that of another realm governed by the same sovereign.

If the condition of Ireland were really as deplorable as it was stated to be, the house ought to be informed from what misconduct such evils had arisen, amidst the advantages which God and nature had bestowed upon her. It might be concluded, indeed, that her poverty was chiefly occasioned by the narrow unwise policy of Britain, a policy which, he was glad to find, the minister now disapproved. Her weakness, perhaps, was not so great as it was supposed to be; and, if it were, it was ungenerous to insult her. Such an insult would not have been offered to her while her volunteers were in arms. He reproved Mr. Canning for pleading the cause of bold and barefaced corruption, and thus clouding and contaminating with its foul fog and baneful breath the pure morning of his political life; and censured, as wanton and unnecessary, Mr. Pitt's pledge for the prosecution of his favourite measure. He animadverted on the conduct of the court in the dispute respecting the Catholics. A lord lieu

tenant had been sent to that kingdom to allay animosities, and gratify the great bulk of the nation. The cup of concession was presented to their lips, but, when they were on the point of tasting, it was dashed in their faces, and the new viceroy was recalled. Was that a proper prelude to an union?

In reply to the observations of Mr. Pitt on the adjustment of the year 1782, he maintained that it was intended to be final with regard to the constitution of Ireland; but he admitted that some regulations, chiefly commercial, were to have been proposed for the improvement of the connection between the kingdoms.

The assertions respecting the number of Irish who wished for an Union were not well founded. A considerable majority of the peers, indeed, were inclined to promote it; but in the House of Commons the court had little reason to boast of its success, as, notwithstanding the apparent plurality of votes for the measure, the far greater number of independent members were adverse to it, and out of parliament the approvers of it were very few. The inhabitants of Cork, it was said, were

VOL. V.

friendly to the scheme, and those of Limerick were likewise disposed to favour it: but had not the lure of a dock-yard been thrown out to the former, and a menace to the latter on the subject of the linen trade? Thus, while some were to be bribed, others were to be intimidated into compliance. The Catholics were among those, to whom favours were promised; but might not they be gratified without an Union? and might not every advantage, which was mentioned as the probable result of the scheme, be afforded without its adoption?

Mr. Sheridan recapitulated several of his former arguments, and concluded with reading two resolutions, to which, he thought, no true friend of either country would object. They were couched in these terms: "that no measures can have a tendency "to improve and perpetuate the ties of amity and connection "now existing between Great Britain and Ireland, which have "not for their basis the manifest, fair, and free consent and ap"probation of the parliaments of the two countries:" and "that "whoever shall endeavour to obtain the appearance of such

consent and approbation in either country, by employing the "influence of government for the purpose of corruption or "of intimidation, is an enemy to his majesty and to the constitu “tion."

Lord Hawkesbury animadverted on the charge of intimidation, affirming it to be inapplicable to the proceedings of the ministry in the present case; denied that any corruption had been practised; and represented the dismission of Anti-Unionists from office as a proof of the sincerity of the premier in the prosecution of an important measure. He controverted the finality of the adjustment of 1782, and declared his conviction, that the radical evils of the existing government in Ireland could not be completely removed without an Union. It would allay the jealousies of the Catholics and the Protestants, promote in every respect the prosperity of Ireland, and add to the strength and respectability of the whole empire.

Dr. Laurence conjured the house to relinquish a discussion, which might be productive of serious mischief, while so high a degree of irritation pervaded the public mind in Ireland. The measure, he said, was not necessary at the present moment, even if it promised to be more beneficial than he had reason to think that it would be. The settlement of 1782, according to the opinion of Mr. Burke, was to every constitutional purpose final and conclusive, though the mercantile concerns of the two countries might require some further arrangements.

The house then divided upon the question for the speaker's leaving the chair, when the ayes were 140, the noes 15.

The confident assurance of the minister in final success encouraged him to the prosecution of this great design. Having