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wretched pallet of straw, without covering, and there he remained six or seven days without medical assistance!

"Gracious God! (said Mr. Yelverton) will any man say that "such a conduct is to be sanctioned and indemnified by this "house? Are the laws to be supported by trampling on them? "Is the man who could commit such barbarities, without the co"lour of justice or necessity, or even the shadow of just suspi"cion, to come for protection to this house? I feel an indigna❝tion on this subject, that almost deprives me of utterance. I "have before said, that I would be one of the last men to refuse every reasonable indemnity to loyal magistrates for acts done "under the pressure of apparent justice or necessity, for the sup"pression of rebellion, but I will never vote for protection and "indemnity to a bloody tyrant, whose conduct, though it may "have produced good in some instances, has been productive of infinitely more mischief; and on those grounds I shall give the "petition every resistance in my power."

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The attorney general in reply said, the petitioner, whose exertions had been productive of the happiest consequences, only complained of the persecutions, to which he was exposed; his property, and what was infinitely of more importance to an honourable man, his character was at stake. What he claimed was investigation, and what he offered was proof upon oath of the guilt which he had punished. The honourable member would have acted more becomingly by awaiting in discreet patience the testimony offered by the petitioner, and deciding deliberately and dispassionately thereon, than by becoming an accuser in the first instance, and prematurely avowing strong indignation against the petitioner. The conduct of Mr. F. and its salutary consequences under the urgent necessity which prevailed, was vouched and approved of by the authority of the noble lord and the honourable member, who, from the circumstance of local residence and experience, must be best able to judge, and therefore the authority in favour of the petitioner was at least as respectable as that of the honourable member.

Mr. Yelverton said a few words in explanation and reply.

Dr. Browne could not see what measures a committee could adopt to ground any proceeding of the house for the indemnification of the petitioner against all future actions for damages for injuries done by him, whether justifiable or not. The bill of indemnity already passed, allowed, he thought, ample indemnification to every magistrate, who could claim or expect it on any reasonable ground, and therefore he could not see, why the house was to be called on to exceed that bill for the advantage of such an individual.

Mr. Edgeworth said, he would endeavour as far as it was in his power to repress that indignation, which he was taught in his early years to consider as one of the best guardians of virtue. He would calmly give his negative to this motion, believing it to be of most dangerous tendency.

With respect to the general character of the petitioner, he knew nothing of it but from what he heard in that house, and from what he had seen in the public prints. He would take it for granted that the petitioner's private character fully justified the eulogium, which had been bestowed upon him by the noble lord, and that his public services had been as meritorious and as successful as the honourable and worthy member [Mr. Holmes] had stated. But there were means in the power of the crown sufficiently ample to reward every useful exertion, and, as a member of that house, to interfere between the sentence of the law and its execution, was what he never could be reconciled to. A verdict had been given by a jury, with which two judges of the highest character had in the most explicit manner concurred. To interfere with that verdict was to call those judges to the bar of the house. The indemnity bill had gone as far as possible to protect magistrates; but beyond the limits of that bill to preclude any of his majesty's subjects from obtaining damages for personal injury, except where obvious mistake of judgment had occasioned those injuries, was so grossly unconstitutional as to call upon every real friend to the safety of the kingdom to resist it. He could not foretel what proceedings might be grounded upon this motion; he should therefore oppose it in the first instance; and he could not sit down without observing, that the right honourable gentlemen on the treasury bench would serve their country better by leaving the execution of the laws to juries and judges, than by becoming partizans in support of any favourite system of men and measures.

Mr. Ormsby severely censured the honourable member, who had endeavoured to excite the feelings and commiseration of the house for the sore back of a fellow, who, he believed, would be found, on inquiry, to have very well-deserved what he got: it was at least well-known, that he had many bad connexions, and associated with men of such principles as fully warranted the suspicion of his own.

Those who condemned the petitioner for severity to such criminals seemed to forget that loyal men could hope for no mercy, who fell into their clutches. He trusted the house would extend ample protection to a man who had so well deserved it.

Colonel Bagwell (member of the county for Tipperary) said; that it was not his intention to have spoken to the question then before the house, but to let the petition quietly go to a committee,

had it not been for what fell from the honourable member who spoke last. He was as ready as any person to give credit to the services rendered to the county of Tipperary by the activity of the petitioner; but he was shocked and concerned to hear the sufferings of an innocent and respectable man treated with levity and indifference. As insinuations were thrown out against the character of Mr. Wright, he felt it his duty to declare what had come within his knowledge respecting that unfortunate and muchabused man. He was present during the trial of the action brought by Mr. Wright against the petitioner, and it was but an act of common justice to say, that in his mind, not the remotest shade of suspicion attached to the character of the plaintiff in that case, nor did the investigation which took place on that occasion furnish the most distant justification for the severe and terrible punishment inflicted on him. A similar opinion of the unfortunate man's innocence and loyalty was expressed from the bench, by the revered characters who presided. As to the general character of Mr. Wright, it was most unexceptionable in point of morality, religion, and politics; and to that character, the best evidence was the very high estimation, in which he was holden by the best and most respectable men in the town of Clonmel. He would beg leave further to add, that this unfortunate man, who had been thus so severely dealt by, on the ground of a suspicion, which it was, as yet, apparent his conduct had not justified, was nearly related to some of the most illustrious and best characters, which that country could boast of: the fact must be admitted in the sense of rank allied to virtue, when he stated him to have been a near relation of the late lord Clonmel, under whose patronage he had been educated, and sent abroad; he was also a near relation to that worthy, respectable, and lamented man, Robert Shaw, esq. and likewise nearly related to the present lord Dunboyne; and as far as he could gain acquaintance with his character, he had never disgraced a relationship, which must have conferred honour on any man. Col. Bagwell concluded a short speech, dictated by humanity and justice, by saying, that he thought the conduct of Mr. Fitzgerald generally very meritorious, and deserving the protection of government against the conse quences of errors committed in his zeal for the safety of the state; but it was too certain, that many innocent persons had suf fered most severely from that zeal, and he thought it but conform able to every principle of humanity, justice, and sound policy, that that compensation which was in the power of the laws to make them, should be afforded;--a compensation which, taken in every point of view, must fall infinitely short of their sufferings and their claims.

The question being put, the petition was referred to a commit

tee.

On the 8th of April, Mr. Holmes reported from the committee, that the object of the inquiry committed to them could not be so well obtained in an open committee, as it would be in a secret committee; the order was therefore discharged, and here the affair was dropped. Mr. Judkin Fitzgerald afterwards received a considerable pension for his active services in quelling the rebellion.

Very warm debates took place upon the bill for suppressing the rebellion, which authorized the lord lieutenant, during the rebellion, whether the courts of law were open or not, to take the most vigorous steps for suppressing the rebellion, and for punishing persons furthering the cause of rebellion with martial law; and which secured the acts done in pursuance of the orders of the lord lieutenant from being questioned; and prohibited any court, civil or criminal, to take cognizance of any thing done in furtherance of that act. These unlimited powers vested in the lord lieutenant were submitted to by some in the personal confidence of the humanity and discretion of the marquis Cornwallis. They were opposed by several friends to government, as larger than necessary: and many urged strongly an amendment proposed by Mr. Dawson (member for Monaghan), that the powers should be co-extensive only with the proclaimed counties.

Mr. G. Ponsonby observed generally on the clause, that the powers contained in it were undefined, and its expressions vague and general. There was no method, whereby to ascertain when a rebellion might properly be said to exist or to terminate; and it was entirely left to the chief governor to decide at his discretion on this momentous fact, and the continuation of martial law and absolute power: it did not describe to what rank of military officers orders to execute martial law were to be issued. He wished to know, what was meant by "injuring the persons or "property of loyal subjects?" He observed, on the part of the clause, which made the military only subject to trial by courtsmartial for any offence against the subject: as it was a sort of French measure, he would apply to it a French appellation; and he would ask, what expectation of redress the aggrieved could have from those military tribunals?

Mr. Ponsonby concluded by saying, that he made those observations for the purpose of giving the attorney general an opportunity for explanation.

The attorney general gave no explanation.

Lord Castlereagh, in enumerating the disadvantages, that would attend the introduction of such a passage in the bill, said, that if the county of Monaghan, although at present apparently quiet, were to start suddenly into rebellion, in like manner as the county of Wexford did, which was thought to be one of the most tran

quil counties in the kingdom at that time, what was to be the consequence? Was the military to remain inactive, and look tamely on, while the country was devastated by rebellion; or were they to oppose the progress of insurrection, and be afterwards tried as for the murder of every rebel who should fall? It had been urged, that this law, if dispensed by any other hands than those now holding the reins of government, might be most fatally abused. Such an argument was certainly very compli mentary to the present administration; but still it was an argument of jealousy, and the unhappy circumstances of the times left no application of this jealousy but to the government, or to traitors. If gentlemen thought, that they and the loyal inhabitants of the country would experience more mercy from United Irishmen, than from the persons exercising the government of that country, in God's name, let them apply their jealousy to the administra tion, and their confidence to the United Irishmen; for the state of the country left no alternative, but to strengthen the hands of the executive power to the utmost extent, or to submit to the predominancy of treason.

At three o'clock of the morning Mr. Dawson's amendment was negatived.

Flushed with confidence, the Anti-Unionists were determined to remove every obstacle, that they conceived their opponents might avail themselves of, in bringing the measure to bear. In order therefore to shut out the possibility of any future difference between the parliaments of the two kingdoms in the appointment of a regent, in case that necessity should recur, they brought forward a regency bill.*

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The following is a copy of that bill :

"A Bill to provide for the Aaministration of the Government of Ireland, whensoever and as often as the government of Great Britain shall be administered "by a Regent or Regency.

"FORASMUCH as this kingdom of Ireland is annexed and united to the "imperial crown of England, and by the laws and statutes of this kingdom is "declared to be justly and rightly depending upon, and belonging, and for ever "united to the same, and the kings and queens of England are, by undoubted " right, kings and queens of this realm, and ought to enjoy the state, title, "majesty, power, pre-eminence, jurisdiction, prerogative, and authority of "kings and queens of the same:

"And whereas the exercise and administration of the regal powers of the "imperial crown of Great Britain may happen to be vested in, and committed "to a regent or regency, or to some person or persons by some other title, "name, or description:

"And whereas the exercises and administration of the regal powers of "the imperial crown of Ireland should be vested in, appertain to, and belong"ing to the person or persons in whom the administration of the regal powers "of the imperial crown of Great Britain shall be vested, by whatever title, "name, or description, the exercise or administration of the same shall be "vested in him or them.

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