On the 11th of February, the right honourable Mr. Fitzgerald moved the order of the day for going into a committee on the regency bill, when lord Castlereagh observed, that on the second reading of the bill, he pledged himself not to offer any objection to it, provided it appeared adequate to the remedy it went to supply. His lordship's opinion was, that it would not prove a remedy for the inconvenience complained of. It went, in his mind, only to a part of the evil; namely, the effect, but left the cause of the evil untouched. Thus the great malady still remained, and the connexion between both countries would in no instance be better secured. Two parliaments perfectly equal in point of rights, might at any future period differ respecting their choice of a regent, and therefore the bill could not effect that unity of the executive, which the measure proposed to establish.

Circumstanced as the countries were, the questions of peace and war, of treaties with foreign powers, of different religions might, at some future period, lead to a difference of decision between both parliaments, and such occurrence would shake the connexion, and in consequence the empire, to its foundations.

If questions of comparative advantage between countries might arise, how could a regency bill operate as a remedy for the evil?

His lordship wished to be informed, how a bill, which went to establish the unity of the regal powers, could identify the necessary powers of a regent for other countries: might not the particular circumstances of one country differ so materially from the other, that the regency for both kingdoms could not conveniently be exercised by the same person? Or did not the bill go to oblige the monarch to appoint one and the same regent, which in fact went to restrict the legal authority? Thus either the regal powers were curtailed, or the regency bill was inefficient to re

"We, therefore, your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the lords "spiritual and temporal, and commons, in parliament assembled, determined "to contribute every thing in our power to the firm and lasting establish"ment of the connexion between Great Britain and Ireland, do most humbly "beseech your majesty, that it may be enacted by the king's most excellent "majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and tem"poral, and commons in this present parliament assembled, and by the autho"rity of the same, that whensoever and as often as the regal powers of the "imperial crown of Great Britain shall be exercised or administered by a regent "or regency, or by any person or persons by any other title, name, or description, "that the regal power of this your majesty's realm of Ireland shall be exercised "or administered by the same person or persons, in whom the exercise and ad"ministration of the regal powers of the imperial crown of Great Britain shall "be vested, by whatever name, title, or description, the same shall be so vested "in him or them.

"Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that such person or persons shall exercise and administer the regal rights of the impe"rial crown of this realm, under the same restrictions and limitations as such "person or persons shall be subject to, in the exercise and administration of the regal powers of the imperial crown of Great Britain, and not otherwise.”

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move the inconvenience it went to remedy. The regent was to all intents and purposes a deputy; and could a regent in that case appoint a lord lieutenant? Could a deputy appoint a deputy? He presumed he could not:-and should a regent send over a lord lieutenant to that country, he was satisfied that the council could object to his authority.

His lordship read part of a speech of Mr. Fox's, to shew, that the adjustment of 1782 was not considered as a final one, that it went merely to quiet the political struggle which then existed; and that it was indispensably necessary to give up something for that imperial purpose.

His lordship concluded by saying, that the measure was inefficient to the purpose it held forth; calculated to blind the country, and disgrace the legislature.

Right honourable Mr. Fitzgerald declared, that it was only in a case of imperious conviction, that he was led to differ from the noble lord. His idea in introducing the bill, arose from the arguments founded on the possible emergency of the appointment of a regent; it being urged, that the parliaments of both countries were free to make different elections. He wished, as far as his limited abilities could, to supply that deficiency, and consequently to remove the cause of complaint. He had procured all the assistance possible in framing the bill; and all the law authorities he consulted, agreed with him in the opinion, that he had provided fully and completely for the deficiency complained of,

Mr. Fitzgerald concluded by moving an amendment to meet an objection of lord Castlereagh's, viz. after the word shall, in the first clause, by adding the words," according to the laws and con"stitution of Great Britain."

Mr. Foster, for the first time, now delivered his sentiments at considerable length. His first aim was to demonstrate the finality of the settlement of 1782. He censured Mr. Pitt's* speech, which he termed a paltry production, the merest tissue of general assertion without proof, high-flowing language without meaning, and assumptions without argument.

One point, he observed, was a new and incontrovertible ground of constitutional permanence and finality-namely, that modification of Poynings' law which secured the continuance of the connexion between the kingdoms, by rendering the great seal of Britain necessary for every Irish law, and making the British minister responsible to the British nation, if any bill tending to injure the empire, or to separate Ireland from it, should receive the royal assent in the western realm. This regulation, he argued,

As various editions of that gentleman's speech had been circulated, he selected that to which government had given its sanction of authority, which had been printed by the king's printer under their direction, of which 10,000 copies had been circulated gratis by them at the public expense.

was intended to secure union and connexion on a firm, lasting, and unalterable basis. It gave to the British parliament, as Mr. Dundas had observed, a control over the third estate of the Irish parliament, but it was a control over the king's naked power of assent only; which gave to Great Britain an effectual pledge, that Ireland retained no power to do any act (i. e. without the concurrence of Great Britain) to weaken or impair the connexion.

For his having recommended the commercial propositions of 1785, he had been accused of great inconsistency. But he deni ed, than an atom of the constitution would have been surrendered by the plan of 1785, but this new system would lead to its utter annihilation. The measure of 1782 was all constitutional-that of 1785 all commercial.

The pretences for a legislative Union were ill supported. The risque of a disagreement on the subject of peace or war, or with regard to foreign treaties, would not justify the adoption of a measure so unconstitutional. l'he case of regency afforded the only apparent foundation of alarm; but the bill now under consideration would remove all apprehensions on that head.

The arguments adduced for an Union of the two legislatures were, he said, equally applicable to the Union of the two houses of either parliament. These might disagree, and ought, by parity of reasoning, to be formed into one assembly. Where would then be our constitution? It would yield to monarchical or republican despotism. The balancing principle composed the chief excellence of our constitution; and why might not the two legislatures, guarded by one head, perform national and imperial functions in a better and more efficacious manner than a combined parliament.

Mr. Foster then took a very wide and minute review of the trade of Ireland, and declared his opinion, that it would not flourish more after an Union than under a resident parliament. It was already in a thriving state; it enjoyed all desirable freedom, and required only the care and attention of its natural protec

tors.

On the subject of religion he barely remarked, that an Irish parliament might adjust all points in which the Protestants and Catholics differed, as judiciously and effectually as an imperial legislature.

The speaker imputed to the British minister great insincerity in quoting his words in 1785, from Wordfall's Report, in having omitted the following pointed expression of his sentiment:" He should think himself indeed un"worthy of a seat in that house, or of the name of Irishman if he could con"sent to barter an atom of the constitution of his country for all the commerce "in the world."

He severely censured that want of political wisdom, which had induced the English minister to hold out Ireland to the enemy as the most vulnerable part of the empire, torn by internal factions, barbarous, weak, and contemptible. It was painful even to refer to the phrases, by which he insulted the feelings of every Irishman. They knew them to be unfounded. Had they been true, it was the duty of a discreet statesman to have concealed with reverence the failings and weakness of so considerable and important a part of the empire. He tells the enemy the danger and the remedy; the danger immediate-the remedy distant and uncertain. He destroys a constitution which the Irish hold, as the dear sacred palladium of their liberty, and would persuade the world there would be more zeal in Ireland, when the constitution should no longer remain, to animate its spirit and invigorate its exertions.

Another advantage mentioned by the advocates of the measure was still more strange, namely, that it would tranquillize Ireland. If a resident parliament, and resident gentry, could not soften the manners, and amend the habits, or promote social intercourse, would no parliament, and fewer resident gentry, do it? What was the great misfortune with respect to the tenantry of that kingdom? The middle-men, who intervene between the owner and the actual occupier, and these are mostly to be found on the estates of absentees. It had remained for Mr. Pitt to advance a new system, that depriving a country of its native resident landlords, encouraging land-jobbers and land-pirates, degrading the hospitality of the old mansion-houses into the niggardly penury of agents, dwellings, was become the approved modern mode of making happy and contented tenants, of forming good men and good subjects.

That the adding to the bishop's duty of attending to his diocese the new and imperial duty of quitting the kingdom for eight months in the year, was the best way of making him acquainted with his clergy, and of enforcing attention to their parishioners.

That a parliament, unacquainted with the local circumstances of a kingdom, ever at too great a distance to receive communication or information for administering in time to the wants or wishes of the people, or to guard against excesses or discontent, was more capable of acting beneficially than the one, which, by being on the spot, and acquainted with the habits, prejudices, and dispositions of their fellow-subjects, best knew how to apply relief.

In adverting to the late treason and rebellion, there they applied to fact. Could any parliament sitting in Great Britain have developed the secret system of conspiracy, animated the loyal, and supported the executive, with the effect that very parliament

had done? What would the ridiculous exhibition have been at that time, of an united parliament walking through St. James's park with their address, and yet what vigour and energy did the instant procession of near two hundred members, with the mace, to the castle, give to the loyal ardour of the country; it animated the loyal spirit which crushed the rebellion before a single soldier could arrive from England, notwithstanding the uncommon exertions made there to expedite their sailing.

The extraordinary, wise and necessary measure of proclaiming martial-law, required the concurrence of parliament to support the executive. The time would have past by, before that concurrence could have been asked for, and received from London; and it would have given a faint support, coming from strangers, compared with the impression of its springing from Irishmen, all liable to every danger and inconvenience from its operation, and yielding themselves and their properties to its control.

"The volunteers, said the speaker, the saviours of their country and terror of its enemies, when their great work was effected, and by the indiscreetness of a few leaders, their zeal was misled, and they began to exercise the functions of parliament, we spoke out firmly they heard our voice with effect, and took our advice, instantly returning to cultivate the blessings of peace. I ask you, would equal firmness in a parliament, composed five parts in six of strangers, sitting in another country, have had the same effect? You know it would not. Personal character, respect to individuals, opinion of their attachment to one common country, all impressed an awe which was irresistible."

After having spoken very warmly to the incompetency of parliament to surrender their legislative powers, he closed his speech with the following address to his countrymen :

"Were I to address the Catholics, the Protestants, and all re"ligions, I would say, your country is in danger; a desperate "attempt is on foot to seduce you to surrender the independence "of your parliament. You are all natives of the same island, inte"rested in its trade, its prosperity, its freedom, and in all the bless"ings of a glorious and happy constitution-bounden by every "tie of duty to yourselves, your country, and your posterity, to preserve it, join all hands and hearts together, bring the vessel "into port, forget all family differences, all local or partial jealou"sies, and save Ireland, save your country. Tell the bold mi"nister who wants to take away your constitution, that he shall "not have it, that you will not be his dupe; that you love Bri"tain as a brother, but you will be his brother, not his dependent; and that you will not degrade yourselves from an independent kingdom into an abject colony.