Mr. St. George Daly moved, that the further consideration of that resolution should be adjourned for a month, and was seconded by Mr. Jameson.

On this a long, spirited, and most animated debate took place, which lasted for many hours, in which not only the propriety of the adjournment, but the merits of the question, was in many instances ably discussed. The supporters of the adjournment, and consequently those who opposed the resolution, moved by Mr. Saurin, were, principally, Mr. St. George Daly, Mr. Jamesson, Mr. T. Grady, Mr. John Beresford (son to the Archbishop of Tuam), Mr. J. W. Stokes, Mr. Geraghty, Mr. M'Clelland, and Mr. Webber. On the other side were Mr. Saurin, Mr. Spencer, Mr. Peter Burrowes, Mr. Barnes, Mr. Lloyd, Mr. Driscoll, Mr. Goold, Mr. W. Bellew, Mr. Orr, Mr. Leader, Mr. Plunket, Mr. Lynch, and Mr. Francis Dobbs.

At eight o'clock a division took place.

Ayes for the adjournment

Noes

Majority

32 166

134

On which the following resolutions were put and carried. At a most numerous meeting of the Irish bar, convened by public notice, on Sunday the 9th of December 1798, at the courts, and from thence adjourned to the Exhibition Room, William Street. Ambrose Smith, Esq. father, in the chair.

Resolved, "That the measure of a legislative union of this kingdom and Great Britain, is an innovation which it would "be highly dangerous and improper to propose at the present "juncture of the country.

It was then resolved, That the chairman do leave the chair, and that William Saurin, Esq. do take the same.

Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting be presented to our worthy father, Ambrose Smith, Esq. for his very proper con

duct in the chair.

Resolved, That the foregoing resolutions be published.

Signed by order,

William Ridgeway, Secretary. The city of Dublin, which it was natural to suppose would be more prejudiced by the Union than any other part of the kingdom, inasmuch as it would lose much of the advantages of a metropolis by the abolition of the parliament, was also prominently forward in its opposition to that measure. A post assembly of the lord mayer, sheriffs, commons, and citizens of the city of Dublin was convened on the 17th of December; who referring to a variety of rumours, that were then in circulation, of an intended Union of Ireland with Great Britain, came to the following resolutions: That by the spirited exertions of the

people and parliament of Ireland, the trade and constitution thereof, were settled on principles so liberal, that the nation had risen ever since rapidly in wealth and consequence. And, that having boldly defended the constitution in king, lords and commons, against the open and secret abettors of rebellion; they were determined steadily to oppose any attempt that might be made to surrender the free legislation of that kingdom, by uniting it with the legislature of Great Britain.

And on the next day, at a very numerous and respectable meeting of the bankers and merchants of the city of Dublin, Lord mayor in the chair,

The following resolutions were unanimously agreed to: "That since the renunciation of the power of Great Britain "in the year of 1782, to legislate for Ireland, the commerce and prosperity of that kingdom had eminently increased. That “ they attributed these blessings under providence, and the gra "cious favour of their beloved sovereign, to the wisdom of the "Irish parliament. That they looked with abhorrence on any attempt to deprive the people of Ireland of their parliament, " and thereby of their constitutional right, and immediate power "to legislate for themselves. That impressed with every sen"timent of loyalty to their king, and affectionate attachment to "British connection, they conceived that, to agitate in parlia"ment a question of the legislative Union between that "kingdom and Great Britain, would be highly dangerous and "impolitic."

The public mind had not yet recovered from the agitation which had been occasioned by the rebellion, its predisposing causes and ever to be deplored effects.* The fever now took

Many of the Orange party presuming upon the countenance and support of government which in the late administration they had certainly received, continued, particularly about Wexford, to keep up the old system of terrorism with impunity. Some of the old conductors of the castle journals had in the true spirit of their old employers justified and commended the conduct of Mr. Hawtrey White on a certain occasion, which produced the following adver tisement from Mr. Sparks. I refer to one instance by way of elucidation of many others.

"Case of George Sparks, Esq.

"ON Sunday the 13th January instant, I left my house in order to go to "church, and at the church met Captain Hawtrey White, of the Ballagheen "corps and his troop, and I was told by Lieutenant James White they in"tended searching my house for arms; I told Mr. White my arms were there, "and gave him a key of a tea-chest, where he would get General Grose's "permission for keeping arms, and also General Lake's protection for my "house and property. They proceeded to my house, and having plundered "it of every thing portable, they burned my dwelling house, out-offices and baggard, and murdered my two servant boys, who were inoffensive spectators "during the transaction. (I beg leave to remark, these boys were reared "by my father from their infancy.) They carried off my horses.

斷

a turn and raged with equal fierceness upon the question of legislative Union with Great Britain, as it had upon that of the treasonable association of United Irishmen. All means were devised and attempted by both parties to gain proselytes to their respective opinions, and without going the length of sanctioning the false maxim, that the end justifies the means, it must in candour be admitted, that no political question was ever agitated with more sincerity of conviction, as none admitted of so much fairness of argument on both sides. The private reasonings of individuals in their several publications form no part of history: many of them on both sides bespeak the brightest talents, the most extensive information, and elevated independent and constitutional sentiments of their authors, who were mostly Irish. Most of the substance of these productions will be found to have been introduced by different speakers into the parliamentary debates of both kingdoms. The news journals from henceforward teemed with essays, addresses, protestations, puffs, squibs, censures, and encomiums upon this great political question, according to the different sides which they respectively adopted. Meetings were advertised of counties, baronies, parishes, and of every species of incorporation : religious discriminations indeed were not resorted to. Protestants, Dissenters, and Catholics in this instance, for the first time, fairly amalgamated into the general mass, and marshalled themselves into the ranks according to the civil convictions of their minds. Besides the meetings already mentioned of the gentlemen of the bar, and the corporation, and the bankers and merchants of Dublin, the fellows of Trinity College, and such of the students as enjoyed scholarships, had also a meeting, the result of which was, a request that the representatives of the University would oppose with firmness the projected Union. The gentry and freeholders of the county of Dublin met for the same purpose, and, having applauded the constitution of 1782, protested against an

"On returning to my house, I met with several of my neighbours, flying "with terror and dismay, and told me to fly with my life, for the cavalry "declared they would murder me, and previous to that day I heard several "threats.

"It is necessary to state, that Major Fitzgerald had a recruiting party contiguous to my house; I was happy to have an opportunity of accommodating him with a room in my house where he kept his money and clothing, and "where the recruits accounts were settled. I was glad to see his majesty's "service promoted by draining the country of idle fellows.

"A man of the name of Murphy came to my house and enquired for Major "Fitzgerald, that he might inlist with him; he was desired to stop, for that Major Fitzgerald was expected home to dinner.

"After they had plundered the house as above stated, some shots were "heard above stairs, and Murphy and a yeoman killed.

"I also declare there was no plunder nor concealed arms in my house.

"Wexford, January 17, 1799."

"GEORGE SPARKS.

Union as hostile to the rights, liberties, and independence of Ireland. The freeholders of the county of Westmeath likewise declared against it, as it appeared to them to be calculated to 'exhaust Ireland, and debase her from her consequence and prosperity, and to increase the influence of the court in a formidable degree.'

The resolutions of a meeting at Galway were particularly strong; reprobating the attempts of the unionists as unconstitutional and arbitrary; denying the power of the representatives of the people to vote away the independence of the realm; con-. demning the transfer of the right of legislation to any foreign country, without the general consent of the people, as equivalent to a dissolution of the existing government, and as a procedure which, from its tendency to anarchy, ought to be resisted; and stigmatizing, as enemies to their country, all the supporters of such a measure. Mr. Foster completely inspired his constituents in the county of Louth, with his own decided repugnance to the measure, and the majority of the freeholders of that county threw their weight into the scale against it. It would be endless to recapitulate the different resolutions, which were entered into and published by different meetings against the proposed measure, even before the meeting of parliament. And so great indeed was the clamour excited by the idea of Union, that the general voice seemed to reject it with indignation; and language of the boldest kind, even bordering on defiance and sedition, was poured forth in most companies against it.

On the 22d of January, 1799, the parliament met according to the last prorogation, when his excellency in a very interesting speech upon this important occasion, recommended to their peculiar consideration, the most effectual means of consolidating

The following was the speech of the viceroy. "MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"in parliament.

"I HAVE received his majesty's commands to meet you

"I congratulate you on the happy effects which have followed the unparalleled achievements of the detachment of his majesty's fleet under the command "of Rear Admiral Nelson, on the total defeat of the French squadron off the "coasts of this kingdom, by that under the command of Sir J. B. Warren, and "on the brilliant and important conquest of Minorca. Those events, while "they afford to us in common with every other description of his majesty's "subjects, matter of just pride and satisfaction, must at the same time give "confidence to other powers, and shew to all Europe the beneficial effects of a system of vigour and exertion, directed with manly perseverance against "the destructive projects of the common enemy.

"I feel much concern in being obliged to acquaint you, that a spirit of dis"affection still prevails in several parts of this kingdom, and that the secret agents of the enemy are active in raising an expectation of fresh assistance "from France.

"In this situation, and under the evident necessity of continuing the war "with vigour, his majesty firmly relies upon that spirit and magnanimity

the strength, power, and resources of the two kingdoms. This speech gave rise to debates in both houses of parliament. The debate in the lords was less interesting, than that in the commons. An address was moved for in the lords, which as usual

"which have hitherto marked all your exertions in support of the honour of "his crown, of the interest of this kingdom, and of the general cause of the "empire.

"GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

"I have ordered the public accounts and estimates to "be laid before you, and as I am confident your wisdom will raise the supplies "which may be necessary in the manner least burthensome to the subject, so "you may depend upon my attention to their prudent and economical appli

"cation:

"It is with great satisfaction I observe, that notwithstanding our internal "calamities, this kingdom blended as its interests are in the general prospe"rity of the empire, has participated in the effects of the encreasing wealth "and commerce of Great Britain, and that our revenues and trade have en"creased,

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"It is my duty to recommend to your attention the various "objects of internal regulation which have so long enjoyed the benefit of your "protection and support. Your agriculture, your manufactures, and particu"larly the linen manufacture, the Protestant charter schools, and other chari"table institutions will require, and will, I am sure, continue to receive that "aid and encouragement which they have uniformly experienced from the li"berality of parliament. I am confident you will feel a particular anxiety to "give further attention to the just and honourable claims of those who have "suffered from their loyalty during the rebellion.

"His majesty depends upon your persevering energy to repress, by every "wise effort, the spirit of disaffection, which still requires the exercise of ex"traordinary powers to check its malignant effects. In recurring, where the "occasion has required it, to acts of indispensable severity, I have not been "inattentive to the suggestions of mercy, and have endeavoured to mitigate "the effects of penal justice, and the necessary exertions of the powers of the "state, with as much forbearance and lenity as could be consistent with the public safety.

"In the general cause which engages the empire, our prospect is highly en"couraging, but in proportion as a successful termination of the war becomes "probable, our efforts should be redoubled in order to secure it.

"The zeal of his majesty's regular and militia forces, the gallantry of the yeomanry, the honourable co-operation of the British fencibles and militia, "and the activity, skill and valour of his majesty's fleets, will, I doubt not, "defeat every future effort of the enemy. But the more I have reflected on "the situation and circumstances of this kingdom, considering on the one "hand the strength and stability of Great Britain, and on the other those divi"sions, which have shaken Ireland to its foundations, the more anxious I am for some permanent adjustment which may extend the advantages enjoyed "by our sister kingdom to every part of this island.

"The unremitting industry with which our enemies persevere in their avo "ed design of endeavouring to effect a separation of this kingdom from Great "Britain, must have engaged your particular attention; and his majesty com"mands me to express his anxious hope that this consideration, joined to the "sentiment of mutual affection and common interest, may dispose the parlia "ments in both kingdoms to provide the most effectual means of maintaining "and improving a connection, essential to their common security, and of con"solidating, as far as possible, into one firm and lasting fabric, the strength, "the power, and the resources of the British empire."