was an echo of the speech. The 12th paragraph of the address was to the following effect.

*"That we thank his majesty for pointing our attention to this "alarming circumstance, and as his majesty has expressed his "anxious hope, that this most serious subject, joined to the sen"timent of mutual affection and common interest, may dispose "the parliaments in both kingdoms to provide the most effec"tual means of maintaining and improving a connection essen"tial to their common security, and of consolidating, as far as "possible, into one firm and lasting fabric, the strength, the 66 power, and the resources of the British empire, we shall be "ready to give the fullest attention to considerations of such "momentous importance."

Upon which it was proposed by Lord Powerscourt to amend the said motion, by inserting after the word importance, the following words: "That it is our most earnest desire to "strengthen the connection between the two countries by every "possible means, but the measure of a legislative Union we ap"prehend is not within the limits of our power, we beg leave "also to represent to your majesty, that although this house were competent to adopt such a measure, we conceive that it "would be highly impolitic so to do, as it would tend, in our "opinion, more than any other cause, ultimately to a separation "of this kingdom from that of Great Britain."

แ

A motion was then made for leave to withdraw the amendment. A debate arose thereupon, and the question being put, the house divided, and the Earl of Glandore reported, that the contents below the bar were 19, and the non-contents in the house were 46.

A motion was then made, that after the word "security" in the said paragraph, the following words be expunged," and of "consolidating as far as possible into one firm and lasting fabric, "the strength, the power, and the resources of the British empire," which also passed in the negative. Another motion was then made by the Earl of Bellamont, that after the said word importance," the following words be inserted, " so far as may "be consistent with the permanent enjoyment, exercise and "tutelary vigilance of our resident and independent parliament, "as established, acknowledged, and recognized." This motion was also negatived by a division of 49 against 16. Fourteen of the lords in the minority protested.†

In the commons Lord Tyrone moved the address, which he said did not pledge him in any manner to support the measure of an Union; let that question of policy stand upon its own merits; let it be adopted or rejected as the interests of Ireland and the prosperity of the empire should dictate. If upon investigation it should be found conducive to the advantage and strengthening of both; no clamour, no violence should make him swerve from the honourable line of his duty.

Colonel Fitzgerald, (member for the county of Cork) seconded the address, expressing a zealous desire that any step likely to cement and strengthen the connection between the two coun tries should be adopted.

Sir John Parnell said, that as the speech did not avow the measure of legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland, nor recommend it directly to the consideration of the house, it would be unnecessary in that stage of the business to discuss the question, but the measure having been publicly avowed and introduced by a side wind into the speech, he should oppose it in limine, as being a question simple in its na ture, and on which no further information was necessary, than to shew that they were called on to put an end to the existence of an Irish parliament, and to determine on the permanent and essential interests of their country for ever. They were called on to decide their constitution, their trade, their property, and on what was of still more consequence, the feelings of the public connected with a surrender of the constitution: an affrighted commerce, and a diminished property. This would lay a ground for growing discontent, not promoted by declamation or irritation, not to be treated as the momentary convulsion of popular feelings, but proved by facts, which aggravated by experience must acquire force the longer it was suppressed, and produce consequences greater than he wished to venture to state. He then adverted to the argument that a measure, which had been beneficial to Scotland, would equally benefit Ireland. Ireland did not stand in the same relative position that day as England did in respect to that country at the time of the Union. The measure was then justified by necessity. This was so well understood, that according to Defoe, it was not unpopular in Scotland when first proposed; it became so by publications calculated to inflame the minds of the people. Scotland had by an act of its parliament, divested the family of the succession of the crown, on whom it had been entailed by the parliament of Great Britain.

The English parliament had in return declared the people of that country aliens, and had interdicted their trade: there was no choice but submission or Union. But though a similar necessity did not exist in Ireland as did at that time in Scotland,

it was asserted that there existed a necessity equally cogent to make the adoption of the measure unavoidable in that country, viz. the contest between the Catholic and Protestant, and foreign invasion. Could an act of parliament modify the constitution, or alter the minds of those who proposed to overturn it? Could it stop the progress of invading fleets, or the rash enterprise of a desperate army? Would the Catholic and Protestant mind be satisfied by each party ceasing to have a parliament within their reach? They had better know their interest by relinquishing jealousies, whereby they had been sufferers in the extreme, and avoid by the continuance of them injuring the interests of their country and posterity for ever.

It was aleged, that the Irish parliament was liable to influence, and not fit to be intrusted by the crown or the people: what a silly charge! Their conduct that night, at the same time that it would defeat an injurious measure, would confute the reasoning offered in support of it; by proving their independence, they would prove the falsehood of the calumny, which impeached it. The evils complained of might be best remedied, in the case of the religious distinctions, by recollecting that they had a common interest with them; their affections were to be acquired by good treatment; and all to be preserved by the efforts of a steady and wise government. He had formerly voted against Catholic claims, not from dislike to any individual for his religion, but on a principle that it was unwise to change the existing government; notwithstanding he had lived happily among them, and was satisfied, that if their passions had not been worked on, the spirit of affection would have prevailed, from the justice and moderation of the Protestant resident landlords, which would have proved, that the discontents founded on religious prejudice, ought to have subsided in Ireland, as they had done in other countries.

The efforts of the enemy were better to be opposed by military force than by speculating on the constitution: by relying on those, whose loyalty they had experienced, than by risquing the effects of alarming their feelings by innovating on the principles of the constitution. It was better to meet the evils which they knew, than risque others, the extent of which they could not measure, viz. the entire surrender of the whole of their interests, for they were included in their constitutional privileges. He solemnly declared, he acted under no influence but that of his judgment. He recommended to them to adopt a similarity of sentiment with England: and reply to the advisers of the measures, which had been proposed, what England formerly did to the court of Rome, nolumus leges Hiberniæ mutari.

Mr. Tithe expressed the pleasure he had in concurring in sentiment with the right honourable gentleman, though he would

enter into no discussion of the question until it were brought directly before the house.

Lord Castlereagh felt himself called upon to say, that although there were not in the address any specific pledge to a measure of union, yet it was clearly implied in the wish to strengthen the resources of the empire: for he had no difficulty in saying, that he thought the only means of settling that unhappy, country in permanent tranquillity and connection with Britain, were to be found in a legislative union; and on that subject he did intend at an early day to submit a specific motion to the house.

Mr. G. Ponsonby entered on an able attack and exposure of the general principle of an union, by boldly avowing the principle, that neither the legislature, nor any power on earth, had a right or authority to annihilate the Irish parliament, and deprive people for ever of their right to the benefits of the constitution, to civil liberty.

The minister had told them they ought to discuss this measure with coolness; but when the minister himself would not leave men to the free exercise of their understanding, but turned out of office the best and oldest servants of the crown, because they would not prostitute their conscience: when the terror of dismissal was thus holden out to deter men in office from a fair exercise of their private judgment, how could he talk of cool discussion? He concluded, by moving an amendment, which would give every gentleman, who did not wish to pledge himself to a surrender of the rights of the country, an opportunity of speaking his sense. The amendment was, that after the passage which declared the willingness of the house to enter on a consideration of what measures might best tend to confirm the common strength of the empire, should be inserted, "maintain"ing, however, the undoubted birth-right of the people of Ireland "to have a resident and independent legislature, such as was "recognized by the British legislature in 1782, and was finally "settled at the adjustment of all differences between the two "countries,"

Sir L. Parsons seconded the amendment.

Mr. Conolly opposed it, for the same reason which he had urged against the constitution of 1782, namely, that that constitution could not work two independent legislatures in one empire, being as absurd and monstrous, as two heads on one pair of shoulders. He gave a short history of the country from 1782 to that time, and shewed, that many of the evils they had since experienced, had arisen from the independence of the legislature, and particularly dwelt upon the notorious fact, that there had been 116 placemen and pensioners at one time in the House of Commons ever since that period. What was such independence worth?

Mr. Frederick Falkiner agreed with Mr. G. Ponsonby: he did not think the lord lieutenant's conduct, since he had had the administration of that country, deserved his praise. To Lord Camden the country was indebted for their preservation, in the glorious yeomanry institution. The horrid and unnatural rebellion was put down before that nobleman left the country; and had he remained there a little longer, it had been completely extinguished, and the yeomanry upholden in that degree their services so highly merited.

Lord Clements supported the amendment, and hoped too it would be strenuously opposed by all the virtue of the British senate, as a measure only calculated enormously to increase the power of the crown, and influence of the minister, and therefore ruinous to the true prosperity of the empire.

Mr. Fitzgerald, late prime serjeant, said, that nothing could contribute to defeat the measure, or to awaken the honest indignation of the independent gentlemen of Ireland, so effectually, as an open and avowed war against the freedom and liberties of parliament, by the removal of the trusty servants of the public from their situations, which they held with honour to themselves, and advantage to their country. It being thought necessary to hold them out as examples to stop the growing mutiny and insurrection of honour and conscience against the influence of office. No man could hold a place under government, who did not vote for that measure. But the British minister, he pledged himself, was too wise and too magnanimous to wish for an union

on such terms.

If the amendment, which his honourable and learned friend had proposed, and supported with. such transcendent ability, should not be carried, that, he feared, would be the last time he should have the honour of addressing an Irish parliament; for though the pageantry and ceremony of its funeral might take up some time, and give opportunities for lamentations, yet, if the amendment were negatived, the character of parliament would be extinguished: and character was a phenix, which died but once, and from its ashes there was no resurrection. Considering, that the question involved every thing that could be dear to a nation, he would trespass upon the house, and briefly state the principle of his vote. Contrary to the influence of every private affection, and differing from those, with whom he had long acted, and to whom he would yield his own opinion on any measure of temporary effect, he adopted the amendment, because his mind was impressed with this conviction, that the extinction. of the legislature of Ireland would, sooner or later, produce a convulsion, in which the connection between Great Britain and Ireland would be at stake, and would render that devoted coun

VOL. V.