formation that may enable them to discharge their duties sufficiently. Symptoms of this, we think, are already apparent in most of the courts of Europe. The ambitious part of the noblesse are already putting themselves to school, with a degree of labour and industry from which their fathers would have revolted with disdain; and even Princes of the blood are beginning to think it necessary to know something beyond the fashionable games of hazard and address, or the arts of personal intrigue. This, of itself, will be a great gain to the country; but its chief benefit is in its tendency still farther and unconsciously to enlighten and liberalise that whole caste of persons by whom the absolute governments must for some time be administered; and not only to prepare them to acquiesce peaceably in inevitable changes, but to enable them so to read the manifest signs of the times as to avoid fatal struggles by prudent concessions, and substantially to cooperate with the opposite interests in the state in a wise adjustment of differences, which obstinacy might render irreconcilable. We must not venture, we fear, to pursue these speculations any farther; and enough, probably, has been said to explain the views we entertain of the new policy of the arbitrary governments, and of the results which we think it is preparing. There is one objection, however, which suggests itself too obviously to the whole scheme of our observations, to admit of our passing it over without notice; and to which we refer the more willingly, because it leads to some material illustrations of our doctrine, which we could not so well have introduced in any other connection. If despotism is growing so wise, it may be asked, How is it really worse than constitutional government? If nations are secured in their civil rights, of what substantial value are political ones? and why predict and provoke revolutions, with all their risks and horrors, for the sake of a name and chimera? Now, to this, we answer, in the first place, that the possession of political rights, the consciousness of freedom, independence, and a share of self-government, is in itself a great pleasure; and leads to many other enjoyments and exertions, which are at once delightful to the individual and profitable to the community. We have not time at present fully to develop and illustrate this truth; nor can we suppose it necessary, at least for our English readers. We may observe, however, that if the best practical laws were enacted by a despotic government, they would infallibly appear much less perfect, and be more murmured at and complained of, than if the very same code had been adopted by a representative legislature, after con sultation with those whose interests they were to affect, and substant by their authority. There would necessarily be less mascherent and disorder, therefore, under the one system than under the other; and though the law were actually the same, men would submit much more cheerfully and happily to rules of their own making, than to the mandates of an absolute master, however enlightened and benevolent. But the true answer is, that there can never be such good laws, and such good execution of them, under an absolute as under a free government; that without political rights there can be no security for civil ones; and that it is the feeling and experience of this, more even than the instinctive love of independence, and impatience of subjection to an equal, that has, in all ages, impelled men to contend, amidst the applauses of their kind, and against the most fearful odds, for the vindication of their political liberties. The education of absolute monarchs is not likely to make them very wise or industrious or benevolent; and the chance plainly is, that the greater number will be distinguished for the opposite qualities. But if we could ensure to all the thrones of the Continent a succession of Tituses and Antonines, we should not be at all nearer any security for a wise administration. Apopular government, however, does ensure at all times a mass of wisdom and information for the management of its affairs, in comparison with which any possible attainments of the most highly gifted individual must always be insignificant; and not only brings to bear upon every department of its business the talents and experience of those who are most conversant with it, but affords to all an assurance that such information has been obtained. It must always be the interest of any country, that all the knowledge and energy it contains. should be employed in the enactment of its laws and the administration of its government; and that the measures adopted by its rulers should be conformable to the general opinion of its inhabitants. Now, it is the great virtue of a representative legislature that it ensures this object; while the universal responsibility of its functionaries, and the favour with which all colourable accusations against them are always received, seems to secure as much purity in their actual conduct, as the infirmities of human nature will ever allow us to expect. No patriotism and no wisdom in an absolute ruler can attain these objects. But, in truth, it is absurd to suppose, that absolute rulers will ever be either wise or patriotic. The very genius of their place necessarily inspires other sentiments. The very fact, that they cling fondly to their arbitrary power, proves that they are conscious of abusing it. If they never proposed ક to do any thing but what was conformable to the wishes and opinions of their subjects, why not give them an opportunity at least of making these opinions authentically known?-why not bind themselves to comply with them?--why not legalize and divide their power, in short, with the representatives of the nation, who might assist them with their advice, and share with them the responsibility of the execution? The truth is, they neither contemplate nor wish for any such conformity; and though, in a season of alarm, and upon a narrow view of the consequences, they now propose, in some respects, to better the condition of their subjects, they are neither likely to pursue this policy steadily and consistently, nor to hesitate about abandoning it entirely, as soon as they discover that it threatens ultimately to impair any of their darling prerogatives. The time probably never will come, when it will be safe for them to trace back their steps, and entirely to undo what they are now doing; but they will infallibly tamper with the system which they dare not openly abandon, and interfere so often, for the gratification of their own passions, or the vanity and cupidity of their favou rites, even with the economical projects they now profess to favour, as to prevent in a great degree the practical good they might have effected, and thoroughly to convince their subjects, that, until they have their rights settled by law, and made independent of the will of the government, there is no reasonable security, either for their continuance, or for their being fairly and equally awarded while they remain. The system, in short, will be most imperfectly and inconsistently administered; and, though we trust it will have operation enough to raise up a spirit of liberty, which nothing but reform can lay again, we have not the least apprehension that it will so exemplify the possible excellence of tyranny, as to make men enamoured of its bounty, or convinced that, for the substantial purposes of life, political freedom is but a troublesome superfluity. We have but one other observation to make before we conclude. It has often been remarked, that genius and energy of character, nay, even that the nobler and more intellectual kinds of industry, are never found to thrive in any but a free country, or to form in any other circumstances the basis of a national character. The observation is as old as Aristotle, and all subsequent experience has confirmed it. The fact, indeed, is quite certain, and the reason of it sufficiently obvious. Where the most animating subjects are interdicted, genius feels in perpetual dread of rebuke, and disdains to display itself even on those that are permitted; and, while an insulting and impassable barrier shuts up the carcer of plebeian ambition, all the heroic U VOL. XXXIX. no. 78. energies of the character are repressed and extinguished. Even in mechanics, in trade and manufactures, the higher spirit of enterprise will not be exerted if the higher rewards of distinction and political importance be withheld. The successful merchant, in this country-the inventive engineer-the ingenious chemist-the founders of Sovereign companies-the discoverers of steam-engines and safety-lamps, are stimulated in their meritorious labours by the personal honours, as well as the solid wealth to which they aspire, and look forward, not only to at station of equality in the very highest society, but to a seat in the Legislature of their country, and to titular dignities that rank them with the aristocracy of the land. It is only, in short, in a free country, that there is either encouragement for useful enterprise, or security for the reward of perseverance. But we will not be tempted to enlarge further on these topics. The time has been, even since the commencement of our labours, when we should have been ashamed to have insisted so anxiously on truths so elementary,-and now we shall not be surprised to find that they are considered as paradoxes! In all that we have now said, we have referred only to the absolute governments of the Continent, and to those chiefly who have associated themselves under the title of the Holy Alliance. To England, we confidently trust, the letter of our observations never will be applicable. But even there, there is much to which the spirit of them may be applied. We, too, are beginning a new era of economical reform, under the patronage of The most jealous opponents of popular rights; and it is not to be doubted, that the credit and popularity which they expect to rive from their new and compulsory liberality in matters of rade and internal regulation, will be employed to strengthen heir hands in resisting all proposals for political reform, and in weakening and undermining the democratical parts of the constitution. We are far from insinuating, that they have adopted these improvements merely for the purpose of gaining this support to their Tory principles. They have been forced upon them, we do not doubt, by a sincere, though somewhat tardy conviction of their expediency; and if any thing could add to the honest satisfaction, with which we look forward to their actual adoption, it would be the recollection, that they were first Suggested by that'party in the State to which we have always. professed our attachment, and had long to encounter the bigoted opposition of many of their present supporters. We hope ve may be permitted to regard this as an augury of their future nversion on points still more important; and, at all events, e trust that the recollection of it will cooperate with the cauons and warnings we have now presumed to offer, in induc ing the public to look with some distrust on arguments against the principle of reform, from persons who are now practical reformers and to judge somewhat favourably of the merits of a cause, to which the most enlightened and powerful of its original enemies have been compelled to proclaim their conversion. ART. II. 1. A Letter to the Right Honourable Robert Peel, one of his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, &c. &c. &c. on Prison Labour. By JOHN HEADLAM, M.A., Chairman of the Quarter-sessions for the North Riding of the County of York. London. Hatchard & Son. 1823. 2. Information and Observations, respecting the proposed Im provements at York Castle. Printed by Order of the Committee of Magistrates, September, 1823. IT ** T has been the practice, all over England, for these last fifty years, not to compel prisoners to work before guilt was proved. Within these last three or four years, however, the magistrates of the North Riding of Yorkshire, considering it improper to support any idle person at the county expense, have resolved, that prisoners committed to the House of Correction for trial, and requiring county support, should work for their livelihood; and no sooner was the tread-mill brought into fashion, than that machine was adopted in the North Riding as the species of labour by which such prisoners were to earn their maintenance. If these magistrates did not consider themselves empowered to burthen the county rates for the support of prisoners before trial, who would not contribute to support themselves, it does not appear, from the publication of the Reverend Chairman of the Sessions, that any opinions of Counsel were taken as to the legality of so putting prisoners to work, or of refusing them maintenance if they chose to be idle; but the magistrates themselves decided that such was the law of the land. Thirty miles off, however, the law of the land was differently interpreted; and in the Castle of York large sums were annually expended in the maintenance of idle prisoners before trial, and paid by the different Ridings, without remonstrance or resistance. † * Headlam, p. 6. We mention the case of the North Riding, to convince our readers that the practice of condemning prisoners to work before trial, has existed in some parts of England; for, in questions like this, |