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plete; and your parliament may add, that this magiftrate, whofe houfe was invefted by armed men, himfelf delivered up to the agents of the police, like a malefactor, faw himself reduced to the humiliation of being liable to the fummons of an officer, from a fubmiffion to your majefty's order.

May we be allowed, Sire, to reprefent to you, that, in devoting ourfelves to the public fervice, in promifing to releafe your majefty of the first duty you owe your na tion, namely, that of juftice; in bringing up our children to be fubject to the fame facrifices, we never could have fuppofed we were defining ourselves and our children to the misfortunes, ftill lefs to rages of fo heinous a nature.

dangerous task the king cannot ex ercife but through his judges. Those who find a pleature in hearing your majely pronounce the dreadful word of punishment, who advise you to punish without a trial, to punith of your own accord, to or der exiles, arrefts, and imprifonments; who fuppofe that acts of rigour are compatible with a benign difpolition, equally force a wound to external justice the laws of the realm, and the most confolating prerogative belonging to your mas jesty.

It does not allow, that opinions delivered in parliaments fhould be confidered as motives for your ri gour, and in fome measure a confoout-lation for us. But if frong reafons fhould actuate you to the exile of the duke of Orleans-if it can be called a kindness that you no lon ger leave two magiftrates expofed to perifh in diftant prifons, or unwhole fome places-if it is confidered as an act of humanity, which tempers justice, in releafing them from fuch a fituation-they must indeed be guilty! But it is the duty of your parliament to judge themand we demand only, that their crimes fhould be published.

But we do not come fo much to claim your benignity, as the protection of the laws. It is not to your humanity alone that we addrefs ourselves; it is not a favour which your parliament folicits; it comes, Sire, to demand juftice.

This juice is fubject to regula tions independent of the will of man-even kings themselves are fubfervient to them; that glorious prince, Henry the Fourth, acknowledged he had two fovereigns, God and the laws.

One of these regulations is, to condemn no one without a hearing; it is a duty in all times, and in all places; it is the duty of all men ; and your majefty will allow us to represent to you, that it is as obligatory on you as on your fubjects.

But your majesty has not to execute this function; and your parliament with pleasure brings to your recollection your glorious privileges, that of fhewing mercy to condemned criminals. To condemn them yourself, is not a function belong ing to majefty. This painful and 1787.

The meanest of your fubjects is not lefs interested in the fuccefs of our reclamations, than the first prince of your blood-Yes, Sire, not only a prince of your blood, but every Frenchman punished by your majefty, and especially who is punished without a hearing, becomes neceffarily the fubject of public alarm. The union of these ideas is not the work of your par liament: it is that of nature, it is the voice of reafon, it is the principle of the most wholefome laws, of thofe laws which are engraved in every man's heart, which is the principle of yours, and which af

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fures us of your personal approbation. The caufe of his royal highnefs the duke of Orleans, and of the two magistrates, is then without our confent, and, by forcing thofe principles, the act of the throne, whofe only foundation is justice, and without which no nation can be happy.

It is, therefore, in the name of thofe laws which preferve empires, in the name of that liberty for which we are the respectful interpreters and the lawful mediators, in the name of your authority, of which we are the first and most confidential minifters, that we dare demand the trial or the liberty of the duke of Orleans and the two exiled magiftrates, who are imprisoned by a fudden order, as contrary to the fentiments as the interests of your majesty.

to fee peace re-established; and his majefty will be always difpofed to co-operate on his part, in fuch a manner as your high mightineffes may judge proper.

His majesty having observed that the states of the provinces of Zealand and Friesland, have declared their difpofition to ask the mediation of fome neighbouring powers, (in cafe that your high mightineffes judge fuch intervention neceffary) and that of Zealand has called to mind, on this occafion, the repeated affurances which the king has given of his friendship for the United Provinces: the underfigned has exprefs orders to affure your high mightineffes that his majesty has constantly strongly at heart the reestablishment of the tranquillity of the republic, the prefervation of the true conftitution, and the maintenance of the just rights and pri vileges of all its members. His majelly feels the greatest fatisfac

Memorial prefented to the States Getion, in having reason to think that neral of the United Provinces, Aug. 14, 1787, by Sir James Harris, K. B. the British Ambasador at the Hague.

High and Mighty Lords, The king, animated with the trueft and moft fincere fentiments of friendship for your high mightineffes, cannot without extreme pain fee the continuation of the unfortunate troubles which fubfift in the republic of the United Provinces; and which, by their continuation, threaten the most grievous confequences.

The memorials which the underfigned envoy extraordinary and minifter plenipotentiary has prefented to your high mightineffes, fince he had the honour to refide here, have fhewn, that the king his master, as a good friend and neighbour of the republic, has, never ceafed defiring

the internal means, furnished by the conftitution itself, have power fufficient to accomplish fo falutary an object. But at the fame time, if your high mightineffes are decided, that it is neceffary to recur to a foreign mediation, and to invite his majefty; then, in natural confequence of his affection, and of his good will for the republic, the king will be eager to prove to your high mightineffes his fincere defire to employ all the care that may depend on his majesty to bring the negotiation to a happy, folid, and permanent iffue.

JAMES HARRIS.

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The lords of the Equeftrian order and nobles think proper once more, to reprefent in the most affecting manner to your noble and great mightineffes the true picture of the unfortunate ftate of our country. This province, formerly fo happy and flourishing, and fo respected, the object of admiration, and frequently even the envy of the neighbouring nations, is now rending its own entrails, and by difcord and unbridled paffions is at this moment on the brink of deftruction, and ready with all its inhabitants to be overwhelmed in inevitable ruin.

When the lords of the Equestrian order propofed their advice on the 7th of July to this illuftrious affembly, they judged it fufficient, in the then fituation of affairs, to glance flightly over the reafons which actuated them; they flattered themselves that the penetrat ing eye of the members of the illuftrious affembly of your ncble and great mightineffes, would give them that turn of which they were fo evidently fufceptible.

When on the 10th of July they deliberated on the memorial of M. de Thulemeyer, the Equeftrian or der preffed them in the most ear neit manner to make the most ferious reflections on the abfolute neceffity of providing as foon as potlible fome conciliatory means proper to prevent thofe effects which the Equestrian order feared, and which it plainly told them of.

The Equestrian order, never theless, has not had the fatisfaction of feeing their well-meant advice or conciliatory propofitions crowned with fuccefs, by want of influence over the plurality of members; but, on the contrary, heard and faw the 14th of July an anfwer

to the memorial of the Pruffian envoy determined upon; from which it appeared to the Equeftrian order that no good effect could be expected. The event has at prefent proved the fame, as appears by the last memorial from the court of Berlin; and experience fhews the foundation of that forelight on which the Equeftrian order grounded its firft advice. Now the danger is at the highest point, and augments every inftant; and if they intend to put in execution the means of preventing a fi tuation abfolutely without refource, not a moment must be loft.

The Equeftrian order thinks the term without resource is not too expreffive, but founded in every refpect on truths that must be acknowledged; and they are ready to facrifice their wealth and blood for that liberty which their ancestors have enjoyed, and which they acquired and founded by rivers of blood. But the Equeftrian order will never concur in rendering the inhabitants of Holland the victims of inconfiderate actions, which in themselves unjustly violate the laws of nature and of nations, which deftroy liberty, and which provoke the vengeance of those whom they have neceffitated by their rafh treatment to check them by force. And what, alas! are the means of de fence which can be put in execution in thefe unfortunate circumftances, to pleafe a people whom they are obliged not only to preferve from evident danger, but even to protect from that which threatens them?

Will they find these means in the concord, that once immoveable bulwark of our power?. That has difappeared; and the re-establishment of it can only be effected by the affiftance of the Almighty. (F 2)

Are

Are the means to be found in the finances, which form the finews of all military expeditions? Who amongst the members of your poble and great mightinefles, or thofe members compofing the corps of the regencies of the refpective cites, are ignorant of the deplorable fituation of the finances at this moment? If any farther proof of it is required, let them caft an eye on the last loan of five millions made by Holland; they have only to reckon the enormous bois of 22 per çent. and then reckon that the above loan cot this country 16 millions of florins; they have only to confider the prefent price of bonds, the important diminution of the value of effects, the enormous expences which are incurred in a country become powerful by aconomy, and executed by a commiftion with a power more than dictatorial, and which has a free unlimited power over the wealth of this country, which it uses in the most unconfitutional manner imaginable, and abfolutely without example, for its own ends, and of which the fovereign has generally not the leaft knowledge but when they think proper to require their approbation, which they have always an oppor tunity of infuring by the reigning fpirit. If we muit fpeak with truth, and without difguife, the Equestrian order must own it is informed, that the expences attending this commiffion, or the ordinaries which have been granted it at its request, amount already, during the first, week of its nomination, to near 60,000 florins.

If this is the cafe, the Equef trian order has no occasion to make any reflections on this head; things fpeak for themselves, and afford fufficient room to compare the ancient industry of the Dutch in the

management of their finances with the diforderly profusion which now fo ftrongly reigns.

The Equeurian order ftill flatters itfelf that they may be mistaken, and that the counsellors of the committee, knowing beit the state of the finances, will be able to declare these reports without foundation.

Are the means of defence to be found in the advancement of commerce, and the refources it affords?

At the establishment of this republic, and during the uncertain era of its exiftence, the enemy was more than once in the country, and they experienced the unfortunate effects of it; yet commerce preferved at least one part of its ordinary courfe. The Dutch flag, more or lefs protected, prefented itself, and brought riches, which enabled the inhabitants to pay the heavy taxes which the prefervation of their country required. The powerful city of Amsterdam fupported the republic: its amazing wealth rendered it the miftrefs of the commerce of the universe, even during thofe unhappy times, and diffufed through an infinite number of fmall veins, which proceeded from this rich fource, and which it knew how to nourish, a profperity which rendered its intrinfic power firm, and made it withthand the greatest affaults. But, alas ! at prefent, if this rich fource is not entirely drained, it is at least in a mott deplorable fituation. Here we want words to exprefs ourselves. The Equestrian order is affrighted at the appearance of the fituation of trade, and cannot conceal it. And what more is there which they have not to fear? May not an inftant fhut up the paffage of those rivers through which the commerce of this country is ftill carried on

with fome advantage? Can they be ignorant of the damage this must do to the principal cities of Holland? The inhabitants of Dort, do they not fuffer greatly in being ftopped in their commerce of wood? The inhabitants of Schiedam, are they not hindered in their coal trade, which they fend up the Rhoer? Can the city of Amfterdam carry on any trade with the fhips from the Upper Rhine? and how great then will be the number of thofe whofe only fubfiftence is commerce, and which they will be deprived of? Let us draw a cur ain over this dreadful defcription; the heart hardens at the thoughts of the fatal events which this fubject exhibits on all fides.

In fine, will they feek and find the means of defence in the affiftance of our confederates, or in that of foreign powers?

The answer to this question, and the expolition of the different objects which must be confidered in every point of view, is of fo delicate and einbarrafling a nature, that the Equestrian corps is fearful of expreffing itfelf on this head. To effect it requires a knowledge found ed on the political fyftem of this part of the globe, to obtain which we muft pry into the fecrets of ca. binets, and difcover them as much as pofiible. This requires combinations, and fuch forefight is neceffary for this which prudence forbids to truft to paper. The Equef trian corps appeals to the wildom of the members, who cannot rate the present state of the union high enough, and who can, in like man ner, pry into the defigns of the monarchs who furround us, and who do not look with an indifferent eye on this republic; for which there is no need of an explication a the part of the Equestrian order,

who prote that they have not the leaft thought that their co-members of this aflembly want the finalleft hint on this important matter.

After thefe mature and modera'e reflections on what has been faid, the Equestrian corps think them. fel es obliged to introduce again their ad ice, propofed the Icth of July, and to infift in a proper man, ner that your noble and great mightineffes put in execution immediately fome conciliatory means, without derogating from your fovereign dignity, and not to make this unfortunate accident 'augment the number of unhappy circumstances in which this republic is indifputably involved.

The Equestrian corps therefore renews its inftances, and previously recals its advice; it frankly offers to give on every occafion proofs that it has nothing more at heart, and wishes for nothing more ardently, than to act in concert with all the members for the real welfare of the province in its defence; in a word, for the re-establishment of its repofe, happiness, and profperity; and will at all times facrifice for that purpofe its wealth and blood.

Such, noble, great, and mighty lords, are the true fenfe and fole intentions of the Equestrian order, which they declare in the most fo lemn manner, in the firm perfua fion that this protestation, and the open expolition of all their fentiments contained in this advice pro ceed from their duty to the Almighty, to their confcience, to their oath, to all the inhabitants of Holland. and in fine to this illuftrious affembly itself, whofe deliberations and advice ought to be governed by truth, fincerity, and perfua fion.

We must still add here, noble, (F 3) great,

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