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under torments as great as the devil and the monks could devise. It was therefore necessary, for the preservation of our church and state, to exclude James and his popish heirs. The common welfare required this salutary precaution. The collected interest of the community is the primary end of every
All this, I said, seems quite right. To be sure, during that short twilight of power, which dawned upon popery in England in the years 1689 and go, its rage was imprudent. It did discover its fury and resentment. In one of the Irish acts you have mentioned, more than 2000 people were attainted, and some of them the most noble and venerable characters in Ireland. Yet had success attended the arms of James, this would have been but the beginning of sorrows. And probably a son of christian Rome would have proscribed more in these two islands, than in heathen Rome, out of the whole vaft Roman empire, were given up to destruction for their virtue, by their cruel triumvirate, Auguftus, Antony, and Lepidus: And of consequence; fince dear experience convinced, it was equally absurd and vain, to imagine that a popish head would govern a protestant church by any councils,
but those of popis priests, as it was to imagine that a popish king would govern a protestant state by any councils, but those of popish counsellors ; it must therefore be owned, that the Lords, and others, affembled at Nottingham, were just in declaring, that King's James's administrations were usurpations on the constitution, and that they owned it rebellion to refift a king that governed by law, but to refijt a tyrant, who made his will bis law, was nothing but a necessary defence. This, to be sure, is just. But still, if crowns are hereditary, and one severe punishment of treason was intended to check all rebellion, were we not a little too hasty in the affair of the Revolution ? And might we not have expected something better from the good sense and good nature of James, if we had waited a while, till he could fee the folly of his proceedings ?
To this the Doctor replied, that as to James's good senfe, it never appeared he had any : and in respect of his many real good qualities, they were extinguished by his bigotry, and could never be of service to a protestant spirit, the spirit of freeinen : it was therefore incumbent on them, who knew and loved the invaluable blessings they enjoyed, to act as they did ; that is,
as the wisdom of our constitution requires in such cafes.
As to the crown's being hereditary, and the severe punishment of treasons ; in respect of the first particular, there is no natural or divine law declares crowns hereditary. If a certain rule of succession has been established in most kingdoms, the single point of view in it was public good, or a prevention of those inteftine commotions, which might attend an election: But as every rule is dispensible, and must give way when it defeats the end for which it was appointed ; should the customary fuccession in a kingdom prove at any time productive of much greater evils than those it was intended to obviate, it may questionless be superseded occasionally. 'This point is evident from reason. Though the crown in our own country is generally hereditary, yet that right is to be set aside, if the fecurity of our civil and religious liberty requires it. If the pretence of James was a right to dominion, in opposition not only to the sense of the legislature, but to that of the nation, then the popish prince was juftly excluded, for denying the public good to be the supreme law. Had the right he claimed been established, then our religion, our liberties, and the safety of our fortunes, had been no longer our own. In case of such establishment, the glory of our constitution was no more.
The sum of the matter is, the royal family of the Steuarts being Roman Catholics, makes their case similar to an extinction of it.
And as to the accumulated punishment of treason in Great Britain, that can only be designed as a powerful check to rebellion, against a king whose darling view is the welfare of the people. No infamy, forfeitures, or death, can be too severe for the man, who rebels against a prince that governs for the good of the people, and endeavours to transmit our state safe to pofterity. To plot against such a sovereign is a great crime indeed. To conspire against a prince, whose life is of the utmost consequence to the community, is an enormity that ought to be stamped with a peculiar infamy, and punished in the feverest manner. But it can be no treason to act against a papist, who violates every maxim of our constitution, and by every maxim of popery labours to destroy our religion and liberties. Every man may repel unlawful attempts upon his person and property, and is armed by God with authority for self-defence.
To this it was replied, that I thought the Doctor quite right, and for my own part was determined to oppose a popish prince, whenever he comes on with his unalienable and indefeasible claim, to introduce his absurd and cruel religion, to deprive us of our rational christianity, and make us Naves, instead of free-born subječts. No popish James, to write our themes, but (filling a bumper) may this nation be ever happy in a king whose right is founded upon law, and who has made it the rule of his government. May Britons ever remember the merciless rage of popery, and the envious malice of France ; each ready to lay waste the whole fabric of our excellent conftitution, and cry aloud, with all the embittered fons of Edom, Down with it, down with it, even to the ground. Here the clock ftruck one, and we parted.
$.4. Early the next morn
A Description of ing I was up, according to
Cleator. niy wont, and walked out, to look at the place. Cleator is one of the finest spots that can be feen, in a wild romantic country.
The natural views are wonderful, and afford the eye vait pleasure. The charming prospects of different kinds, from the edges of the mountains, are very fine. The winding hills, pretty plains,