under torments as great as the devil and the monks could devife. It was therefore neceffary, for the prefervation of our church and state, to exclude James and his popish heirs. The common welfare required this falutary precaution. The collected intereft of the community is the primary end of every law.

All this, I said, feems quite right. To be fure, during that short twilight of power, which dawned upon popery in England in the years 1689 and 90, its rage was imprudent. It did discover its fury and resentment. In one of the Irish acts you have mentioned, more than 2000 people were attainted, and fome of them the most noble and venerable characters in Ireland. Yet had fuccefs attended the arms of James, this would have been but the beginning of forrows. And probably a fon of chriftian Rome would have profcribed more in these two islands, than in heathen Rome, out of the whole vaft Roman empire, were given up to deftruction for their virtue, by their cruel triumvirate, Auguftus, Antony, and Lepidus: And of confequence; fince dear experience convinced, it was equally abfurd and vain, to imagine that a popish head would govern a proteftant church by any councils,

but

but thofe of popish priests, as it was to imagine that a popish king would govern a proteftant state by any councils, but those of popish counsellors; it must therefore be owned, that the Lords, and others, affembled at Nottingham, were juft in declaring, that King's James's adminiftrations were ufurpations on the conftitution; and that they owned it rebellion to refift a king that governed by law, but to refift a tyrant, who made his will bis law, was nothing but a neceffary defence. This, to be fure, is juft. But ftill, if crowns are hereditary, and one severe punishment of treason was intended to check all rebellion, were we not a little too hafty in the affair of the Revolution? And might we not have expected fomething better from the good fenfe and good nature of James, if we had waited a while, till he could fee the folly of his proceedings?

To this the Doctor replied, that as to James's good fenfe, it never appeared he had any and in refpect of his many real good qualities, they were extinguished by his bigotry, and could never be of fervice to a proteftant fpirit, the fpirit of freemen: it was therefore incumbent on them, who knew and loved the invaluable bleffings they enjoyed, to act as they did; that is,

as

as the wisdom of our conftitution requires in fuch cases.

As to the crown's being hereditary,and the fevere punishment of treasons; in refpect of the first particular, there is no natural or divine law declares crowns hereditary. If a certain rule of fucceffion has been established in moft kingdoms, the fingle point of view in it was public good, or a prevention of thofe inteftine commotions, which might attend an election: But as every rule is difpenfible, and must give way when it defeats the end for which it was appointed; fhould the customary fucceffion in a kingdom prove at any time productive of much greater evils than those it was intended to obviate, it may queftionless be fuperfeded occafionally. This point is evident from reafon. Though the crown in our own country is generally hereditary, yet that right is to be fet afide, if the fecurity of our civil and religious liberty requires it. If the pretence of James was a right to dominion, in oppofition not only to the fenfe of the legislature, but to that of the nation, then the popish prince was juftly excluded, for denying the public good to be the fupreme law. Had the right he claimed been established, then our religion, our liberties, and the fafety of our fortunes, had

been

been no longer our own. In cafe of fuch establishment, the glory of our constitution was no more. The fum of the matter is, the royal family of the Steuarts being Roman Catholics, makes their cafe fimilar to an extinction of it.

And as to the accumulated punishment of treafon in Great Britain, that can only be defigned as a powerful check to rebellion, against a king whofe darling view is the welfare of the people. No infamy, forfeitures, or death, can be too fevere for the man, who rebels against a prince that governs for the good of the people, and endeavours to tranfmit our ftate fafe to pofterity. To plot against such a fovereign is a great crime indeed. To confpire against a prince, whofe life is of the utmoft confequence to the community, is an enormity that ought to be stamped with a peculiar infamy, and punished in the feverest manner. But it can be no treason to act against a papift, who violates every maxim of our conftitution, and by every maxim of popery labours to destroy our religion and liberties. Every man may repel unlawful attempts upon his perfon and property, and is armed by God with authority for felf-defence.

To

To this it was replied, that I thought the Doctor quite right, and for my own part was determined to oppofe a popish prince, whenever he comes on with his un“alienable and indefeasible claim, to introduce his abfurd and cruel religion, to deprive us of our rational christianity, and make us Alaves, inftead of free-born fubjects. No popifh James, to write our themes, but (filling a bumper) may this nation be ever happy in a king whofe right is founded upon law, and who has made it the rule of his government. May Britons ever remember the merciless rage of popery, and the envious malice of France; each ready to lay wafte the whole fabric of our excellent conftitution, and cry aloud, with all the embittered fons of Edom, Down with it, down with it, even to the ground. the clock ftruck one, and we parted.

§. 4. Early the next morning I was up, according to my wont, and walked out,

Here

A Defcription of
Cleator.

to look at the place. Cleator is one of the fineft fpots that can be feen, in a wild romantic country. The natural views are wonderful, and afford the eye vast pleasure. The charming profpects of different kinds, from the edges of the mountains, are very fine.The winding hills, pretty plains,