any one instance attempted to discuss it. Instead of this, a great deal of the right hon. gentleman's speech was occupied with efforts to throw odium on the resolutions of the borough of Southwark, which all comes to this-"It is fit to tell the French, that England is not what England was ?" But, sir, it was not necessary that these resolutions should ever have been passed, to give the French all the information on this subject they can desire. They cannot think it necessary to refer to the borough of Southwark to inform them, that we entered into the present war, strengthened by an alliance with almost every power in Europe; that we have lost our allies one by one, that Belgium is annexed to their republic, and that we have sustained great and grievous losses in the West Indies. It is complained of, that these resolutions have become too public, and they would find their way to France. Sir, I do not know that this will be the case; but I do know that if the declarations of the Borough Association reached France, no candid or intelligent Frenchman will doubt the determination of that portion of his Majesty's subjects to defend their country, and assert their rights against invaders of whatever description.

But it appears to me, that language such as that held by the right hon. gentleman, is every way unworthy of himself. At one time, the thirst was after unanimity; now, we are threatened with schisms; and if ever anything serious to this country should be the effect of party animosity, that right hon. gentleman, and those who like to vex and wound the spirit of individuals, will be alone to blame. It, indeed, is pretty evident, that no offer of service, no declared intention to support the executive government in the hour of peril, no oblivion of political enmity, will do, unless we come forward to declare the present war just and necessary, although we had in its commencement, and have uniformly since, opposed it as unjust and unnecessary; that we must deny all our cherished and oldest principles; acknowledge those ministers to have capacity, whose incapacity we always have deplored; in fine, unless we bring along with us a certificate of our capacity, it appears to be the determination of his Majesty's ministers that we shall not serve our country, or be found in its ranks, fighting its battles in the hour of danger. I do not state this on light grounds. In my neighbourhood, instances have occurred of conduct, on the part

of ministers, that warrant my conclusion. An hon. gentleman, a member of this house, than whom there is not a more loyal, gallant person in it, has made an offer of his services, but no notice has been taken of that offer. The whole of his political proscription can, therefore, only mean, that certain persons shall not be trusted with arms because they have opposed ministers. The right hon. gentleman says, that the resolutions of the inhabitants of the borough of Southwark tend only to invite the French to come and give them the fraternal hug. But so little do they express a desire to receive the fraternal kiss, that the resolutions breathe a true English spirit; they contain expressions of undissembled love of their country, and tell the French, "if you come, we are determined to repel you with all our might." The right hon. gentleman has asserted with great boldness (I need not expect candour on that side of the house), that the motives of many persons who had offered their services were very questionable, and that the resolutions passed in the borough had not a tendency to produce unanimity. With respect to the last, the contrary of this is evident. And to hear men who have never been supported but from parsimonious motives, who have been buying at their price all that have ever espoused their cause-to hear these men question the purity of motives is surprising. They habitually, if not naturally, ascribe those qualities to others which they know they inherit themselves. With respect to the tendency of the resolutions, I shall say, once for all, that if I was an inhabitant of the borough, attending at the meeting in which those resolutions were adopted, and there should come into the room a man who should state, that it had been said in the house of commons, that all reformers were friends to the French, and regarded as such by that people; the determination to resist them, expressed in one of their resolutions, would be to me the best proof that no such intention as that of assisting the French was ever entertained by the inhabitants of the borough of Southwark. From all these considerations, sir, I must say, I think it not candid or prudent in ministers to shrink from this discussion, and refuse inquiry. I think they owe it to themselves; I know they owe it to their country. Mr. Sheridan concluded with saying he heartily approved of the present motion, and would cordially vote for it.

On a division there appeared-for the motion 22; against it 141.

JUNE 18.

STATE OF IRELAND.

A message from his Majesty was delivered on the 18th, and this day Mr. Dundas moved," That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, to return his Majesty the thanks of this house for his most gracious message: to assure his Majesty, that, while we deeply regret that the machinations of wicked men have induced any of his Majesty's subjects to commit acts of rebellion against his Majesty's government, we, at the same time, feel the highest satisfaction that this occasion has afforded a fresh proof of the zeal and ardour for the service of their country which has ever distinguished the militia of this kingdom: that, conceiving it may be of the utmost importance, for the protection of his Majesty's loyal subjects in Ireland, for the speedy and effectual suppression of the present rebellion, and for the general defence of the British empire: that his Majesty should avail himself of the voluntary offers of service which have been made by several regiments of militia, we will immediately enter into the consideration of such provisions as may be necessary for enabling his Majesty, for a time, and to an extent to be limited, to accept the services of suck militia regiments as may wish to be employed at this important conjuncture."

Mr. Banks moved as an amendment, "That the latter part of the address, giving the consent of the house to the militia being sent to Ireland, be left out." MR. SHERIDAN said, the motion which has to-night been submitted to the house, is the most extraordinary in its nature that ever was heard within these walls; and the manner in which it has been brought forward, is to the full as extraordinary. Long as the house has been inured to be treated with contempt by the king's ministers, the mode in which they have been treated on the present occasion, is even more insulting than anything they have yet experienced. The right hon. gentleman who moved the address, seems to have considered the measure proposed as one to which no objection could possibly be framed; and he introduced it as one which demanded neither apology nor explanation. I confess, that the subject should be viewed so much as a matter of course by that right hon. gentleman, does likewise a little surprise me. We cannot forget how lately the right hon. gentleman came down to this house, and stated the country to be in a state of imminent danger, which required the exertion of every heart and hand for its defence. It is, indeed, extraordinary, then, that after telling us of the danger of the crisis, after all the regular troops are sent out of the kingdom, and when twelve hundred more cannot be found, he should call upon the house to give their consent to strip the country of the militia. forces, on which it relies for its defence. We have not been told

how this drain is to be supplied; what new securities are to be provided. All this the right hon. gentleman considers as a matter of course, which he is neither called upon to reconcile to his former statement, nor to defend upon any ground of constitional principle or sound policy.

The right hon. gentleman who followed upon the other side, was at no greater pains in his short speech, to give any argument in support of the measure proposed. And what is this extraordinary measure intended to gain? From the lords' bill it appears, that the militia force which it is thus intended to send to Ireland is only twelve hundred.-[Here Mr. Sheridan was informed that the number was to be twelve thousand.]—But if such an additional force is wanted, why not send all the regular troops which are to be found, before the constitutional principle is violated? Why not send the two thousand of the guards in town, and, instead of twelve thousand, send only ten thousand? And if these twelve thousand are sent, are you sure that this will do? Will you continue to send more of the militia to Ireland, without any assurance that the danger, lately so alarming, is removed; or without being informed where you are to look for defence?

The right hon. gentleman who spoke last, began his speech with saying, that nothing like an argument had been advanced on this side of the house worthy of serious confutation; but the right hon. gentleman, however, continued to make a pretty long and warm reply to these no-arguments. It has been asked, what would have been thought of ministers if they had concealed the offer made by the militia? If ministers could have done what they now propose without consulting the house, I will venture to say, that we should have heard nothing of this offer. Just as they have continued to send all the regular force to Ireland upon the king's prerogative, without ever acquainting the house of the object, or asking its advice with regard to the measures which it was necessary to pursue, they would have acted. The advice of parliament would have been despised, and ministers would have proceeded upon their own discretion. Although they may hold in contempt the advice of this house, they were not quite bold enough to act in violation of the law, which they are afraid, and which, I hope, will still be found too powerful for them. They required the consent of the house, and it was ne

cessary to apply for its sanction. Never was there a word of rebellion in Ireland mentioned; never was the least communication made, on which the house could offer its advice, till its consent must be obtained to one of the most unconstitutional measures that ever was brought forward in parliament.

The right hon. gentleman who spoke last, in replying to the no-arguments which had been used on this side of the house, fastened on an expression of my hon. friend, that he would not vote a single shilling, nor agree to send a single man to Ireland, for the purpose of subjugating the oppressed people of that country. Is it then unconstitutional-is it unparliamentary language for a member of this house to say, that he cannot give his aid to any system of the executive government, till he has examined and approved of the grounds on which they are justified? Does the right hon. gentleman remember what Mr. Burke said in his letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe?-and I hope the authority of Mr. Burke will not be less in his estimation than when he was confirmed by his sentiments, and animated by his example. In the letter to which I allude, Mr. Burke says, "that the house of commons will never enter into a war for the conquest of Ireland without knowing the grounds of the quarrel." This, then, is what my hon. friend requires He desires to know the ground of the quarrel, and this he thinks an essential inquiry before the house ought, either directly or indirectly, to give its sanction to any system of measures, or contribute its support to carry them into effect. The right hon. gentleman expresses a doubt whether we are at all willing to give our support to extinguish rebellion in Ireland. I am aware that the right hon. gentleman is desirous to lead us into slippery ground. He shall not, however, betray me to be guilty of any indiscretion. When he accuses us of being desirous to withhold our aid in the extinction of that rebellion, I would ask him, whether he means to say, that in every case this house is bound to side with a king of Ireland, and an Irish house of commons, against the people of Ireland? Will he maintain that proposition generally? Will he, without directly apostatizing from every opinion he ever held, deny that cases may occur in which it would be impossible for this house to give their support on that side? Suppose that the Irish parliament were to re-enact all those horrible statues by which the people were oppressed, and absolutely reduced to