virtue, so little independence of mind, as at present; it is to rescue it from such apathy that I make this motion. Referring to what I professed at the outset of my observations, I shall not further occupy the attention of the house; but conclude with the motion I proposed to make; observing, at the same time, that no one can be more sensible of the unpopularity of such a motion than I am; however, I do not know that there can be any objection to it. I put it to ministers, whether they ought not to give every member of this house an opportunity of attending the discussion of so important a question as that of peace or war, previous to the separation of parliament? I shall now move, sir, "That this house may be called over this day fortnight."

Mr. Pitt having replied,

say

Mr. Sheridan said, I have little inclination, sir, to trouble the house with any further remarks. I trust every hon. gentleman must be convinced of the propriety of my motion, from what has been already said; but there were some expressions which fell from the right hon. gentleman who had just sat down, which I think it my duty to observe upon. He says that I was intemperate in my language. It might be so; but certainly he has by no means set me an example of moderation. I can safely that I never saw even him lose his temper so much. His faculties seem to have been overwhelmed by his passions, for he communicated nearly as few ideas as if he had risen and beat a drum or sounded a trumpet. We had words in abundance, and fine-sounding words; but argument we had none. He says that I enumerated the six reasons for carrying on the war without the necessary qualifications, and that I admitted the principal reason of all, viz. the deranged state of the French finances. Sir, I can safely declare that I am ignorant of the qualifications to which the right hon. gentleman alludes, and that I left out this mighty reason from my list because it was not mentioned by him and his friends when they maintained the propriety of persevering in the contest. They had frequently foretold the bankruptcy of France, and maintained that she was ready to sink into the gulf, and as often found their predictions erroneous and their assertions false. Afraid of again subjecting themselves to the charge of ignorance and temerity, or rather finding that the nation could no longer be duped by their stale tricks, they ab

stained altogether from urging this argument against listening to the overtures of Buonaparte. The right hon. gentleman pleads in excuse for his conduct, that he never promised us success. He says, "We are good ministers, we have taken the most likely steps to promote the welfare of the country; but we have been disappointed, and things have turned out differently from what there was reason to expect." When I have shown that every ground on which he has built has failed, and all his reasonings and predictions were erroneous, what kind of language is it for a minister to talk of his promises? When he, whom he lately boasted of as being a magnanimous and affectionate ally, has abandoned our cause, and is on the brink of hostilities with us; when those troops which he said would do more than supply the place of the Russians, are almost all cut to pieces, and the dominions of their prince in the power of the enemy; when the French armies, which he represented as completely disorganized and incapable of being recruited, are triumphing in every direction, and presenting a most formidable aspect to the whole of Europe; when the Austrians, whose triumphs were so highly extolled, who were affirmed to be in a state to continue their victorious career, and who were said to be unanimous with ourselves, have lost the whole of Italy, tremble for their capital, refuse to enter into a treaty with us, and are probably at this moment treating with the French; when the royalists are all subdued and reconciled to the republican government, who, the right hon. gentleman assured us, were sufficient to restore royalty in France; when that character which was abused and vilified, and loaded with every epithet of reproach, has shone forth with unexampled splendour, and given proofs of almost every excellence; the right hon. gentleman comes down with a puny, sorry, childish, pitiful excuse, and says he made no promises. What! is he not to be blamed for having been deficient of intelligence; for having despised advice; for having acted without deliberation and foresight; for having persisted in a system unjustifiable, impolitic, and ruinous, because he did not promise us success? He stands convicted of complete inability or gross misrepresentation. If he really believed what he said, he is destitute of that penetration, sagacity, and soundness of judgment which are indispensably necessary to a minister. If he was conscious of the real state of affairs, and foresaw the events which were likely to

happen, and yet talked with confidence of victory, and obstinately persisted in the contest, no epithet of reproach and condemnation is too strong to be applied to him. Sir, I thought it my duty to move that the members of the house should be called together before the recess, that their opinions may be taken upon the present alarming posture of affairs. My motion has no other object; and no imputation can be more false than imputing to me a desire of dispiriting the country, or encouraging our enemies. I do not despond; and I would rather shed the last drop of my blood, than see my country dishonoured, or lose its independence. It would be unpardonable in any minister to dare to prorogue parliament at a conjuncture like the present, when every day may produce events interesting to the existence of the state. I hope that he will not think of proroguing parliament : I am astonished that he even objects to a call of the house. I have but a very few more words to address to you. I have proved that the six motives for carrying on the war with France have every one of them failed; and though the onus probandi lay upon the minister, he has not deigned to assign any new ones. Does it not then follow, that the war should be discontinued, or at least that a full attendance should be procured, that the propriety of discontinuing it may be canvassed? How great is the responsibility that ministers thus incur! If this system is continued, ruin must ensue. If I were to say that the French, having now a large body of troops at their disposal, might fit out an armament at Brest against our colonies, and send it to the West Indies, the right hon. gentleman would assure me that such a plan is impracticable, and that our possessions in every quarter of the globe are in a state of security. But after the fate of his predictions, would I, or would any one, give credit to them? Although he should, from his knowledge of human nature, declare it to be impossible, may we not, reflecting on the past, suppose that the Emperor of Russia may be influenced by the French, and declare war against his former allies? If he were to affirm that our commerce would continue to flourish, and our finances to be prosperous, would it be no answer to say, you have formerly been deceived? It is strange, indeed, to observe the manner in which these gentlemen apply experience to themselves and to others: they say that you should put trust in no one till you are thoroughly acquainted with him,

and that, if he has once acted improperly, he should never be trusted more. But they still claim confidence in themselves from all the world, although they have been repeatedly convicted of ignorance, incapacity, and presumption. I thought it my duty, sir, to bring forward this motion, and now I leave it to its fate.

Ayes 27; noes 124.

DECEMBER 1.

NEGOTIATION WITH FRANCE.

MR. SHERIDAN rose, and the clerk (at his request) having read that part of his Majesty's speech which refers to the late negotiations, spoke as follows:- Every one, sir, who heard this speech delivered from the throne, and every one who has read the papers which were laid before the house, must expect that we should take the subject into our solemn consideration, and state our opinion upon it to his Majesty in an humble address. This, sir, is a step which reason dictates, and it is strictly conformable to parliamentary usage. Whenever any communication of this nature has been made to the house, the invariable practice has been to canvas the conduct of ministers in the affair to which it refers, and to state the result of that inquiry to our sovereign. Ministers, however, seem to be of a different opinion; and, for some reason or other, seem averse to all investigation of their conduct; I, therefore, thinking it of the utmost importance to the public that it should be fully investigated, shall proceed to state the result of my most serious and mature consideration. That result, I trust, will meet the sentiments of the house, and the motion, which is founded on it, be agreed to. Instead of entering into the subject at large, as I once intended; instead of pointing out with minuteness where ministers have been guilty of insincerity, where of prevarication, where of weakness, where of hypocrisy-I shall content myself with endeavouring to prove, from the past conduct of our allies and their present views, that we ought to disentangle ourselves from all continental connections as soon as possible; and, by entering into a separate negotiation, conclude a separate peace; in doing this I shall lay down two propositions, and establish upon these, two separate conclusions-the first is, that from the commencement

of the confederacy, there has existed, in the different states who composed it, a mercenary spirit, a.sole view to private aggrandizement, the grossest and the most shameful insincerity. By these its object has been defeated; these now exist in their full force; and there is no prospect of its object being attained. It will hence follow, that it is our interest and our duty to withdraw from it, to avoid the obstacles which it throws in the way of peace, and no longer pledge ourselves to continue to make war till those states which are called our allies shall be completely exhausted. The next proposition I shall lay down and support is this, that there appears the strongest ground to suspect, that in all the negotiations for peace which ministers have carried on, although they may not have thwarted their plenipotentiaries, although there may have been conditions to which they would have acceded, still that they have never sincerely wished for peace, and never sincerely lamented the want of it. The inference arising from this is plain; since the same ministers remain in office, the interference of parliament is necessary; that alone can alter their intentions, counteract the mischiefs which their views are calculated to produce, or afford the least chance of salvation to the country.

I take upon me then to say, sir, that there is no one power with whom we have been in alliance, which has not deceived, defrauded, and deserted us. It is melancholy that, while I am speaking, additional arguments and new proofs should spring up to strengthen my position. Not only has an embargo been laid upon all British vessels by our late magnanimous ally, but it would seem that their captains have all been thrown into prison. I hope things will not turn out so ill as there is at present reason to apprehend; but, allowing that there have been great exaggerations, there cannot be a doubt that the boasted friendship of Russia is at an end, and that by our vaunted ally we are forsaken, betrayed, insulted, and outraged. For having said that the Emperor Paul was insincere, and not to be relied upon, a person was not long since fined and imprisoned; yet this same Emperor Paul has done a most unjustifiable act, which proves him undeserving of confidence. This embargo is not all; there is every reason to fear that almost every port in the Elbe is shut against us; that the King of Prussia and the Duke of Brunswick have interfered, and that, except by way of Meck