parish or district for which he served. Now, in the manner those recruits were raised in distant parts of the country, it was necessary that perjury should be added to a violation of the law before such recruits could be received. He then concluded, by utterly denying that he or his hon. friends acted at all through hatred of the memory of the great and illustrious man who framed the bill. "As for me," said Mr. S. "there were many who flattered him more than I, and some who feared him more ; but there was no man who had a higher respect for his transcendant talents, his matchless eloquence, and the greatness of his soul; and yet it has been often my fate to have opposed his measures, I may have considered that there was somewhat too much of loftiness in his mind which could not bend to advice, or scarcely bear co-operation. I might have considered that, as a statesman, his measures were not adequate to the situation of the country in the present times; but I always thought his purpose and his hope was for the greatness and security of the empire. Let not his friends then suppose they are dealing fairly with the house, in representing that we seek a triumph over the memory of that illustrious man, when we now move the repcal of a measure which he would himself have repealed if he had lived. A right hon. gentleman (Mr. Wilberforce), who had many opportunities of knowing his intentions, has told you that he intended to repeal it if it failed in getting men. It has failed. Let the failure of the measure be buried in his grave, and never remembered in his epitaph."

JULY 11.

THANKS TO THE VOLUNTEERS.

Sir Henry Mildmay moved the thanks. Lord Ossulton the previous question. MR. SHERIDAN said, although I could not have remained wholly silent during this debate, yet I wished to have heard the sentiments of others before I delivered my opinion; but what has fallen from two hon. gentlemen who have recently spoken, has induced me to abandon my original design, and to avail myself of this opportunity to solicit the attention of the house. I am desirous to abstain from all party allusions, and never wish to censure those who, from early attachment, and long habit, feel a peculiar ardour of affection for the late right hon. gentle

man (Mr. Pitt); but whether the right hon. general belongs to that number, I will not pretend to determine. I think that gallant officer was not perfectly correct, when he ascribed the impassioned exclamation of the late minister to his regret that the affairs of the empire should be consigned to the present servants of the crown: that eminent person, no doubt, fully expected that his own companions in office would remain in power, and under this painful reflection, his anxiety for his country is fully explained; for what would have become of it in such hands is sufficiently obvious. I have not yet expressed my views of this military subject; but it may easily be expected of me to declare, that the defence of the kingdom ought not to be entrusted exclusively to a regular army, and history has instructed us that there never was a country which preserved its liberties that exposed itself to this danger; nor, sir, would I, on any occasion, give my vote to deduct one man from the great constitutional force the militia. Acting under the influence of similar principles, I have always resisted the compulsory bills, stating it to be the undoubted prerogative of his Majesty to select any individuals from the great body of the community, to place them in the ranks of the regular army, and to send them to any part of the kingdom. It is true the judges and some public officers were excepted, but the whole of such a bill should become a dead letter. It is not necessary that I should now state my opinion on that subject; but I wish distinctly to be understood, that with regard to the volunteers I never shall vary my sentiments. I did before move the thanks of the house to that meritorious body, and in so doing, I gave them a pledge of the spirit in which I would support their interest, character, and dignity. If, sir, they deserved this mark of public feeling, merely for the promptitude with which they stept forward for the defence of the state, how much higher are their claims to merit, when they have done that service which they then only intimated a disposition to perform? With respect to the drill serjeants, and some other minor matters of regulation, it may be eligible to leave these in the care to which such subjects are officially committed. But I think the reports of the military inspectors have been treated with a degree of levity which is neither candid or decent. Are we to say, that the general officers are chargeable with misrepresentation, in order to deceive government, to lull ministers

into a consciousness of security which is fallacious? or are we to presume that, as honourable men, as gentlemen and officers, they do render the accounts now upon your table? If these be accurate, ought the volunteers to be undervalued? Sir, it is a fact most notorious, that nothing made so strong an impression on the French government during their hostile designs upon this country, as the energy manifested by the volunteers: the effect was equally felt by Buonaparte and his minister Talleyrand: they saw, with mortification, that the nation would be indebted for its independence to its own valour. The people of England did not prostrate themselves and petition the sovereign, "O king, hire us an army, and we shall be protected;" but they took the weapon into their own hands, to wield it in their own cause. I fairly say, that as the motion is now worded, I cannot vote for it. I shall therefore, before I sit down, submit to the house a middle proposition, not liable to the same objections with the original proposition. What were the motives of the hon. gentleman in the form in which they have shaped this motion, I would not prejudge; but they may very correctly be ascertained by the spirit in which they receive the variation I shall suggest. What were the motives of the hon. gentlemen in the form in which they have shaped this motion, I would not prejudge; but they may very correctly be ascertained by the spirit in which they receive the variations I shall suggest. The passage to which I object is retrospective; the language is, "it is necessary now to declare ;" why is it "necessary now," unless something has been done indicative of a different temper to that which the motion is intended to exhibit? It is admitted on all sides, that if my right hon. friend (Mr. Wyndham) has intimated anything at all injurious to the volunteers, it is confined to mere expressions. In his acts (a cry of hear hear! occasioned some pause), in his acts, I repeat, it is admitted on all sides by those who have spoken (and those who only tell me their sentiments by this sort of clamour, it is not possible I should understand), he has done nothing which can justly be deemed prejudicial. But has no dexterity been employed to pervert his meaning?-Have no artifices been resorted to, to proclaim what gentlemen on the other side would affect to suppress and to conceal? Sir, I will frankly confess, that formerly I have had differences with my right hon. friend on this subject. He, perhaps, in the heat of

debate, and in the ebullition of wit, used stronger terms than his deliberate judgement would have employed; and possibly, having altered his situation, he is not disposed to show that this change has governed his opinions. I have these before me in review, when I observe that no enmity has been excited between the regulars and the volunteers, by the rank the latter have acquired; as far as my experience extends, they have treated each other with decorum and respect; if any superiority may be claimed by the officers of the line, the same sort of precedence may be demanded by the privates of the volunteers, so that there is a kind of balance which precludes discontent. The motion I should wish now to substitute, would be similar to another to which I have already referred: "That the thanks of this house be given to the several corps of yeomanry and volunteers, for the promptitude and zeal with which they have stood forward for the defence of the country in the moment of public danger." This motion was acceded to without a dissentient voice; and I am not aware how those who concurred in that proposition can, consistently, resist that which I shall presently recommend. It has been said, that rumours are abroad that the government designs to discourage the volunteers: these vague reports, however, were met by a distinct avowal, by my right hon. friend, that the measures to which he has resorted will increase, and cannot diminish, their numbers. Whether the training bill is calculated to have this beneficial effect, it is not my present business to inquire: but, be they just, or incorrect, rumours have prevailed, and an idea has gone forth, that administration is unfriendly to the volunteer system; and no more successful means can be employed to prevent any misconstruction with regard to the intentions of ministers and parliament, than a vote of thanks, couched in terms expressive of the sense entertained of the important services of the volunteers. Again they say, "why do you not thank the navy and army as well as the volunteers ?" Sir, the army and navy cannot be insensible of the estimation in which they are held by this house, and by the country in general and they are sufficiently and properly convinced of their own importance; they know we cannot dispense with the protection they afford. The volunteers are not so firmly persuaded that they receive the applause they deserve, and, perhaps, they feel too diffident an opinion of their own utility. Besides,

the army and navy cannot disband themselves at pleasure; the volunteers may, from some real or supposed provocation; and this is the serious evil I am most solicitous to avoid by the vote I have proposed, all misunderstanding will be prevented. From these considerations I am very desirous that the hon. member should withdraw his motion. I think he must see that the effect of it, in its present shape, must be to attach a stigma on ministers; and what is yet more objectionable, on the house itself, for the legislative regulations it has already adopted, applicable to the military system. If the intention be purely, simply, and honestly to impart to the volunteers a conviction of the favourable sentiments of this house towards them, let them present the motion in a point of view which will induce this side of the house to concur with them; if under this ostensible design they have other concealed motives, it will be in vain to expect this uniformity. So little do I disapprove of the general character of the motion, that I should have been happy to have seen it introduced as a preamble to one of the bills of military regulation, brought in by my hon. friend (Mr. Wyndham). Perhaps the style adopted when the thanks of the house were voted to Sir Charles Gray and Sir John Jervis, on the 20th of May. 1794, would not be objectionable, "This house continues to retain a cordial sense of the zeal and spirit of the yeomanry and volunteers." Whatever may be the result of the proceedings of this night, I will confidently assert that, in any former period in the history of this country, there never was a body of men who deserved more the gratitude of the nation, who merited more highly its love, respect, and veneration; and nothing can be more becoming the house of commons, than, by a solemn act, to record this effusion of public sentiment.

For the previous question 69; agalnst it 39.

FEBRUARY 20, 1807.

WESTMINSTER ELECTION.

MR. SHERIDAN rose, pursuant to notice, to move that the order for the appointment of a committee to consider the petition upon this subject should be discharged, with a view to move for the further postponement. The right hon. gentleman was so much of opinion, from what had passed when last this question