After a short conversation, leave was given to bring in the bill. It went through its several stages without much opposition, and passed the Commons on the 2nd of October. Protest against the Militia Volunteers Bill.] Oct. 4. The bill was read a second time, after a debate. The following Protest was entered on the Journals: "Dissentient, 1. "Because, by this bill, and by the recited act of the last session, whose powers are by this bill aggravated and extended, the constitutional purposes of the militia establishment are totally and finally subverted. 2. Because, all the purposes of procuring men for the army might have been easily obtained by disbanding the supplementary war militia (which by its extraordinary increase had professedly occasioned a scarcity of men) without reducing the permanent militia establishment to a service, in which no gentleman could hereafter hope that his patriotic and disinterested industry would enable him to form his county regiment to a continued state of discipline, at the head of which he might, with credit and honour to himself, answer the purpose of its institution in the defence of his country against inva sion. 3. "Because, by this measure, all that system and arrangement which nourished the zeal of independent country gentlemen is irrecoverably done away in the existing pressure of a formidable and alarming war, and the peace establishment of the militia (if, mangled as it is by this bill, it can survive the war) will necessarily be reduced to a mere standing army of the worst sort; independent of an annual vote of parliament; deprived of all its former constitutional advantages; connected with the people by nothing but the unequal and oppressive burthens it imposes on them; and commanded by such persons as may be procured to be regulating officers to a mere drill of army re cruits. 4. "Because the landed interest of England and Wales, already so heavily burthened, is most materially affected by this total revolution in the militia system; inasmuch as the peculiar expenses of a mi-litia originally formed for our unalienable domestic defence and insular garrison, are unjustly continued on the oppressed owners and occupiers of land in England [VOL. XXXIV.] and Wales, when they are by this measure deprived of the advantages which they had purchased, namely, those of security, resulting from a permanent domestic protection for their wives and children, which, under the faith of parliament, was held out to them as the valuable consideration for heavy taxes imposed solely on them. 5. Because this bill operates with most unjustifiable partiality: it does not fairly and equally extend to Scotland; Scotland is still protected in the enjoy ment of a constitutional militia; neither reduced to the disgraceful condition of a drill for the army, nor liable to be employed in the defence of England; from its services (confined and limited solely to the boundaries of Scotland) England and Wales can derive no protection, while the reduced remnants of the militia of England and Wales may be removed from the defence of their own homes to that of the most remote parts of Scotland. (Signed) "CARNARVON "WENTWORTH FITZWILLIAM "All but the second reason, "BUCKINGHAMSHIRE." Thanks of the House of Lords to the. Earl of Mornington, Lord Clive, General Harris, &c.] Oct. 4. Lord Grenville rose to make his promised motion. The task he had undertaken to perform was as arduous as it was satisfactory, and he had only to lament his inability to do any thing like justice to the claims of superior merit and unrivalled services, which he had that day to recommend to the attention of their lordships, and to the gratitude of the nation at large. In his endeavours to discharge the duty he had imposed upon himself, he would begin by tracing the origin and progress of a war, which had been embarked in after repeated attempts at amicable negotiation had proved unavailing, and which terminated in the annihilation of a power that had perfidiously planned every measure of hostility against the British interests in India, of which it had meditated the extinction, by combining with our most powerful and inveterate foe to effect our total expulsion from that country. It was also his task to call their lordships attention to the merits of those by whose vigilance these mischiefs were averted, and by whose courage and energy the most glorious triumphs were achieved. He was thoroughly sensible how inade[4 G] : ment of the Isle of France, but to the Executive Directory of France, openly invited them to conclude an offensive and defensive alliance with him, and offered to subsidize whatever troops France might furnish him with, to enable him to commence hostilities against the British forces. The first notice which lord Mornington received of this proposed alliance, was in June 1798, and coupling it with the information he had likewise received of the naval expedition which sailed from Toulon, he took every measure which prudence could suggest, and activity and decision could enforce. On the 18th June, 1798, the governor-general received an authentic account of the proclamation that had been issued in the Isle of France, and of the design which that proclamation unfolded. He then formed the resolution, not to wait, but to anticipate the attack of the enemy. He accordingly dispatched orders to the governors of Madras and Bombay, to prepare for the event; and so forward were the preparations, that a decisive blow was struck even that year. Great doubts and difficulties, however, arose in assembling the army at Madras, and it was much feared that long before it was in readiness to act, Tippoo's alarms might be excited, which would defeat the measures which the governor-general was concerting. No situation could be more critical, or more full of perplexing anxiety, than that in which lord Mornington was then placed to await the danger with his eyes open to its approach, would be a flagrant neglect of his duty, to attempt to avert it by a sudden and abrupt attack, seemed to the most experienced military men a measure of very hazardous issue; such was the trying dilemma in which the governor-general was entangled, and whatever side he embraced he felt that he must incur the whole of the responsibility. The co-operation he was to expect from the native powers in alliance with Great Britain, was either doubtful or of little advantage. The Mahrattas were rendered unable to afford any substantial assistance; nor was their good-will to be called in question. The absence of their support arose from real inability. From the cooperation of the Nizam, little or nothing could be expected; his councils and army were at that period under the influ ence of a French faction, and two French officers were at the head of the sepoys in the nizam's service, and indeed the whole of his military force was at the disposal of quate he was to the performance of such a task, and how short every the most forcible expression must fall of the public merits and services which distinguished the exertions of those to whom he intended to move the thanks of their lordships. Nor did he imagine that the great degree of intimacy and friendship in which, without interruption, he had passed his life with the present governor general of Bengal, could in the least tend to weaken the faint tribute of praise which he was anxious to pay to his signal deserts. In attempting the panegyric of that noble lord, he obeyed the call of his public duty, and of the gratitude of the public, full as much as he did any private propensity for the highest strain of eulogy in which he could indulge would inadequately represent the talents and virtues which he had so long loved and admired. They happily, however, spoke loudly for themselves, in actions, the result of which had proved so glorious to the country. A detail of those actions might be deemed necessary to show the extent and solidity of these services, and the wisdom and honour of those by whom they were performed. On his arrival in India, lord Mornington found the princes of the country at peace with our India company; but that peace was not of long duration. Their lordships were well acquainted with the great efforts that had been made by France to fit out the formidable expedition which sailed from Toulon; nor was any man here ignorant of its destination; it meditated destruction to the British empire in India, which France aimed at effecting by gaining over some of the native powers. Tippoo Sultaun was the first and the most eager to go every length to derive advantage from that expedition, and to lend it every assistance in his power. For this purpose he sent an embassy to the Isle of France, not with a view to complain of any grievance, or to solicit any redress, but to en. courage the attempts of the French, and embark himself in the design, for our utter expulsion from our India possessions -such was his perfidious conduct towards those from whom he had experienced the utmost forbearance, the most unparalleled magnanimity. The motives of this embassy Tippoo did not endeavour to conceal. They were avowedly an attachment to the cause of the French republic, and hostility to the interests of England. His letters, addressed not only to the govern hatched, and in the fall of that power who acted such a perfidious part against us, not only therefore, great military skill and talent have been displayed, but the most consummate wisdom and firmness. With this crafty and perfidious power lord Mornington had, however, proposed to open a negotiation, even when Tippoo was doing all the mischief in his power, without uttering one word of grievance or complaint. Notwithstanding his flagrant violations of all faith towards the English government, lord Mornington renewed his offers to remove every cause of disaf fection, if any really existed. The whole of these pacific offers were received either with sullen silence or studied duplicity, and at last with open preparations of hostile aggression. When Tippoo saw the ruin he was drawing down upon his own head, his inveterate animosity suggested to his wicked imagination that he already saw the gigantic. plan of the French republic on the eve of being realized, and that the hour was come for the downfal of the British dominions in India. He was also, anxious to gain time, and defer the measures that were taking against him, in order that the season of the year might intervene, and allow time to receive the succours with which he was to cooperate in our overthrow.-But was it not unnecessary to dwell any longer on these details; or on the wisdom, firmness, and sound policy of the measures adopted by the governor-general, who, month after month, had made proposals for negotiation to an enemy, who instead of a sincere desire to establish peace, was secretly endeavouring, to destroy us? And if after these repeated provocations, his noble friend had resolved upon offensive operations, it was easy to relieve the governorgeneral from all responsibility for his conduct, a conduct which, when rightly appreciated, would be discovered not only to have averted the formidable perils which hung over our Indian empire, but to have established it on a basis of more permanent security than it ever before enjoyed. There was one point more, to which he would advert, and that was the judicious manner in which the governor-general had proceeded to compose and reconcile all the discordant opinions which formerly prevailed among the servants of the India company. In this he had succeeded by a wise and temperate use of the sole controlling power with which he was invested; and a greater and more refined satisfac the French officers. These difficulties created neither despondency nor fear in the heart of the governor-general: he, on the contrary, adopted the most spirited and decisive measures; an armed force was immediately detached into the territories of the nizam; the French army was not only surrounded and made prisoners; but a new treaty was concluded with the nizam, by which the disposal of his forces were put into the hands, of the British, and that very army which had been destined to attack them, was immediately turned against the enemy. What could display greater ability than this masterly manœuvre? But if it was great in ability, how much more useful was it in its consequences, which so powerfully contributed to our subsequent successes, by placing us in a situation to frustrate all the plans that had been meditated against us. Till that was accomplished, nothing was safe: but as soon as it was achieved a negotiation was opened. Lord Mornington was not unmindful that it was the best policy to remain contented with our situation in India; to offend no power by our encroachments, or give umbrage to them by any plan of ambition or aggrandizement; but faithfully and punctually to observe the faith of existing treaties. Such, indeed, was the nature and tendency of the orders under which, as governor-general, he was bound to act. He had, however, ample justification for pursuing an opposite plan; for what more clear and undisguised hostility could there be, than that which he experienced from those who would negociate with our worst enemy for our ruin, and enter into offensive alliance with him for our destruction; who stood forward in military array against our troops; and who assumed, if not the measures of actual hostility, at least the attitude of hostile preparation and menace; who proposed to France that if she would succour them with a military force from Europe, they would favour their landing at Porto-novo; that they would lead them into the heart of the Dutch territories, into which they were ready to penetrate themselves, and Co-operate with the French arms in expelling us from our dominion in India? Nor was it against the British establishments alone that they concerted this hostile attack, but also against those of Portugal, on account of her alliance with Great Britain. In the storming of that capital, where these machinations were to the perfidy of the late Sultaun of Mysore a uniform moderation, dignity, and firmness, and by counteracting with equal promptitude and ability the dangerous intrigues and projects of the French, particularly by destroying their power and influence in the deccan, he prepared the way for the rapid and brilliant operations carried on under his superintendance and direction, the result of which has finally disappointed all the designs of our enemies in that quarter, and has established, on a basis of permanent tion arose in his breast from observing the late war by the capture of Seringathis salutary effect, when he perceived patam; during which period, by opposing that this discord of sentiment was silenced, not merely by the interposition of this superior control, but by an appeal to the wisdom and good sense of the different governors. Among them the conduct of ford Clive stood peculiarly eminent, and reflected the greatest honour on his heart and head. That noble lord, spurning all little jealousies had not only expressed a decided opinion, in favour of the propriety of the measures pursued by the governor-general, but by his zeal and spirit had principally contributed to secure the benefits, which the adoption of these measures had in contem-security, the tranquillity and prosperity of plation. The same spirit animated the exer- the British empire in India. 2. That tions of the governor of Bombay, Mr. Dun. the Thanks of this House be given to the can. In consequence of these spirited, and right hon. lord Clive, governor of the setwell-concerted measures, when the army tlement of Fort St. George, for his zealous, was put in motion, it evidently appeared to cordial, and honourable concurrence, in be composed of troops the best disciplined forwarding the wise and dignified views of and appointed of any that were ever col- the governor-general in council, by which lected in India. The event, indeed, best he has furnished a salutary and memorable showed the zeal and spirit, the courage example of the advantage of unanimity and intrepidity with which it glowed, and and concord among the persons employed by which all its movements were directed. in high stations in the British dominions It was not his intention to detail its dif- in the East Indies, and has, to the utmost ferent operations, or the successes with of his power, promoted the success of which they were crowned. He could not, those measures, from which the most imhowever, forbear mentioning the gallant portant public benefits have resulted to action of the 6th of March, when a small this country. 3. That the Thanks of division of the British army attacked this House be given to Jonathan Duncan, and defeated a numerous force of the esq. governor of Bombay for the zeal and enemy, and by that victory laid the promptitude of his conduct in preparing ground of the subsequent successful the army of that presidency for the field, actions, which were closed by that bril-agreeably to the orders of the governorliant event which was brought about by an army composed almost entirely of Europeans, who during the intense heat of the day, attacked and took by assault one of the strongest fortresses, and in the space of two hours made themselves masters of the capital of the most implacable and perfidious foe, whom the British interests had to dread in India. These were achievements which soared above all praise; he would not, therefore, attempt a word more in their commendation. His lordship then concluded by moving, "That the Thanks of this House be given to the right hon. Richard lord Wellesley, earl of Mornington in the kingdom of Ireland, and governor-general of the British possessions in the East Indies, for the wisdom, decision, and energy, with which he discharged the arduous duties of his station, from the time of his taking upon him the said government to the glorious termination of general in council, whereby that army was enabled materially to contribute to the successful and glorious termination of the late war in India. 4. That the Thanks of this House be given to lieute nant general George Harris, for the whole of his able and meritorious conduct in the command of the forces of his majesty and of the East India company, during the late glorious and decisive war with the Sultaun of Mysore, and particularly for the ability, judgment, and energy with which he planned and directed the assault of Seringapatam, the success of which brilliant achievement has so highly contributed to the glory of the British name, and to the permanent tranquillity of our possessions in the East. 5. That the Thanks of this House' be given to lieutenant-general James Stuart, commander in chief of the Bombay army, which so gloriously co-operated in the success of the late campaign in India; and also, to major generals John Floyd, Thomas Bridges, William Popham, James Hartley, and David Baird, and to the respective officers of the armies employed on that occasion against the enemy, for their distinguished and meritorious services. 6. That this House doth highly approve of, and acknowledge, the services of the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers employed against the enemy in the late glorious and decisive war in the East Indies; and that the same be signified to them by the commanders of the several corps, who are desired to thank them for their gallant behaviour." The several Resolutions were agreed to nem. dis. Similar resolutions were this day moved in the Commons by Mr. Secretary Dundas, and agreed to nem. con. Lord Holland's Motion for an Address respecting the Treaties with Russia.] Oct. 11. Lord Holland went into an able examination of the Treaties with Russia, (See p. 1168) and concluded with moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to return our most humble thanks for the gracious communication of the two treaties, which his majesty, by the advice of his ministers, has been pleased to enter into with his majesty the emperor of all the Russias. To express our sincere satisfaction at perceiving that his majesty has entered into no engagement with the powers at war with France, which can lead to an interference with the internal affairs of that country, or preclude the conclusion of peace upon just and equitable terms with the French republic. That though considering the unparalleled sacrifices which his majesty's faithful subjects have already made, and that we are now engaged in the seventh year of an expensive and destructive war, from the calamities of which Russia has been hitherto exempt, we might have expected a more gratuitous exertion of the force of that powerful empire in the com. mon cause; we shall nevertheless not fail to concur in such measures as the wisdom of parliament may suggest for the purpose of meeting the additional and heavy expenses which his majesty's engagements with the emperor of all the Russias will necessarily occasion. To assure his majesty that our anxious desire to maintain his majesty's personal honour inviolate, will induce us also to concur in a legisla tive provision, to enable his majesty to fulfil the seventh article of the treaty of the 22nd of June 1799, which engages for the maintenance of a body of Russian troops within these kingdoms, upon certain contingencies; but at the same time humbly to represent to his majesty, that we have seen the stipulation above alluded to with the most serious concern and anxiety, as from the unprecedented manner in which it has been concluded, and in which it has been communicated to this House, there is too much reason to fear that those persons who have advised his majesty to this measure, and whose conduct, in this instance, we cannot too severely condemn, entertain an opinion that a power is vested in the crown of introducing and maintaining within these kingdoms a foreign force, without the consent or sanction of parliament, and that we therefore feel ourselves particularly called upon to guard against the establishment of such a power, which is totally inconsistent with the ancient laws of this realm, and with the security of those indubitable rights which our ancestors asserted at the Revolution,'and which we are determined to maintain. Farther to express to his majesty, that in cheerfully adopting such measures as may be necessary for a vigorous prosecution of the war, we entertain a confident expectation that his majesty will faithfully adhere to the pledge which he has so solemnly given to this country, and to Europe, in his declaration of the 28th of October 1797, and humbly to suggest to his majesty, that the present moment seems peculiarly favourable to the adoption of moderate and pacific counsels, when the improved situation of affairs, and the successes of his majesty and his allies, will give an additional grace and dignity to measures of a conciliatory nature, and when the joint weight of the allies, sincerely exerted in a fair and honourable negociation for peace, may be expected to produce the happiest effects. That it is far from the wish or intention of this House to reflect upon any of his majesty's allies, or to excite suspicions injurious to that sincere and cordial co-operation, which is no less essential to a successful prosecution of the war than to an effective negotiation for peace. But we cannot conceal from ourselves, nor will we, by any ill-timed flattery, dissemble from his majesty the dangers which may result from not endeavouring |