whether you meant Christiauity independent of the Trinity? The Court cannot answer questions." We shall bear by and bye that the Court like the Pope is infallible. That its infallibility is part of the law of the land. That to doubt it will be an offence against the laws, and merits punishinent. I insist that the statute allows the impugning of Christianity, which means to embattle, to attack, to destroy Christianity if you can by argument; because if you take away the Trinity, which is admitted even by Christians to be the only sacred part of it, you leave it a system to be followed at the pleasure of man similar to that of Confucius or Zoroaster. Should it be necessary, it is my determination to carry this point of law, to our noble and hereditary legislators. The effect of the discussion that has been raised on this subject, I am sure, will be ultimately conducive to the interests and welfare of mankind. Truth solicits exposure, falsehood dreads it. Ridley and Latimer said, when at the stake, that they should that day kindle a blaze that would never be extinguished; their assertion proved true, as it was applicable only to the Protestant interest as opposed to the Catholic. Your Lordship, with the Law-Officers of the Crown, and the Vice Society, with their legal debauchee, have kindled a flame that will never be extinguished, by your endeavour to crush by the most foul and illegal means. Yours until the next Term, RICHARD CARLILE. R. Carlile begs to inform his friends the Deists of the metropolis, that he is now confined in the King's Bench Prison for the want of three persons as bail, one in £400. and two in £200; one in £400. being ready. He hopes that the cause of Deism will not long remain under this stigma. As the enemies of Deism, the supporters of falsehood and superstition no doubt flatter themselves that they have crushed it by confining its humble though most forward advocate, R. Carlile solicits from the public the names of those who are willing to have them published in approbation of his conduct: as he flatters himself that the open avowal of sentiment is at this moment of the utmost importance, he will publish them from time to time. A subscription is not the object so much as the real name and address of the party subscribing. The name without money will be as thankfully received as the name with money. R. C. has the pleasure to say, that the manner in which a gentleman has expressed his feelings on the occasion, has been a consolation that far exceeds any pain that the most tedious imprisonment would occasion. Agreeable to the request of the gentleman, his name and address is inserted. Alexander and Jane Morrison, 5, Duke's Row, Tavistock Square Antichristian £10 10 0 500 TO THE READERS OF THE REPUBLICAN. The mock Trials of Mr. Carlile will be published in sheets, at two-pence each; it will be a complete report of the proceedings of the 4 days, and will comprise near 40 sheets. The first sheet is ready for delivery; the publication will proceed as rapidly as possible. A sheet containing title page and prefatory matter, will be published as early as possible. DEAR SIR, TO MR. CARLILE. My gratitude, for the real and lasting benefits I have received through your meritorious exertions, as a publisher, impels me to communicate my sentiments to you. It is not myself, that I supremely love, but it is the God of nature, my country, and my country's friends, I am ready and willing to exercise every faculty of my mind, for the good of the People; and if necessary, I will use all my physi cal powers, and even bleed, and die for the cause of liberty. That man does not deserve to enjoy freedom, who will not struggle, nor make any sacrifice to obtain it. I am sorry to say that my feelings of late, have been severely wounded by hearing a person possessing unbounded patriotism, and such a superior mind as you most unquestionably do; and it must be extremely painful for every reasonable and honest person, to hear such a valuable character defamed, and called an "audacious villain;" but this is the way your name is made use of in this dark, superstitious, and stupidly slavish part of the country. The only reason (when I ask) these stupid and ungrateful beings, can assign for their base conduct towards you, is your having had the praiseworthy boldness to write letters to the Prince Regent, and told him with manly freedom, his faults, and what is the duty of a Prince. The whole nation has had but too good a proof that he stood in great need of your remonstrance and instruction. I leave it to the honest and wise part of the community, to determine whether the term "audacious villain," may not be more justly ap plied to the Prince himself than to you. For has he not publicly and unfeelingly returned his thanks (such as they are) to a brutal set of cowardly murderers, contrary to the feelings and requests of nine-tenths of his subjects, and thereby incurred their just indignation? Now is it possible that any rational being can consider such short-sighted, vile, and inhuman conduct becoming or admissible in a Prince? Before we can reasonably affix a notion of value to any thing, or our interests and affections can justly be engaged by any person, we must necessarily be sensible of such thing or person, possessing some degree of excellence, or superiority, worthy of our esteem or affections. It is to every British subject a question of great importance (though not difficult of solution,) whether the Prince Regent, or any part of the family, the Duke of Sussex excepted, ever merited the affections of the People of this country. On the other hand admitting that he were ever so good, and worthy the esteem of every human being, what need could there be for him, or what service could or would he render, the country as a king; for kings are useless, though dreadfully expensive beings to any country, and particularly so to this; and there should not exist any such thing as king in an enlightened nation. No hereditary power, honour, right, or title, can possibly be consistent with nature and strict justice. It is contrary to all reason and justice, that a son or any branch of a family should have the honour or emolument continued to them, that were merited and received by the father, for the good he had rendered his country. Every person has a natural right to be rewarded in proportion to the service he may render his country, but this should not be exceeded. That detestable and unjust law which gives the oldest son the sole possession of his father's estate, has been the utter ruin of thousands of families, while on the other hand, it has involved a few in unreasonable wealth, and unlimited power; and caused some to live in splendid depravity. It is contrary to equity that there should be any such thing as real property; this has been the ruin of many honest and benevolent tradesmen who have unfortunately been in the habit of giving credit to persons possessing large estates but no personal property. Every person ought, according to strict justice. to be able to dispose of his own property as he pleases. No son or daughter has any more right to a greater share of the parent's fortune than another, except from, virtue and superior merit; and it is unquestionably the duty of every parent who has a fortune to distribute, to attend to, and reward such virtue and merit in due proportion to their deserts. But I am fearful you will consider me as running too far from the subject with which I commenced this letter. However I think it will serve in some degree to prove the necessity of a change in almost all our present existing laws. Undue power, priestcraft, superstition, and the great and unnatural inequality of mankind, are the principal causes of all the dissatisfaction and misery which now exist in the world. It may be said that there always did exist an inequality among mankind, aud it most unquestionably must ever be so, but it should only be an inequality consistent with pure justice, but this kind of inequality at this time is totally unknown; and under the present state of things, virtue and true merit have no reward except that of the individual's conscience. Look into the established system of religion in this country, do we not there find, that almost all those that rank high in the church (I mean those that have rich livings, and fat benefices given to them,) are men possessing neither virtue, honesty, piety, or abilities; but who are continually feasting themselves upon enormous sums of money extorted from the industrious part of the community; and what is it that these worthless reverends do for all this mouey I think it is pretty evident nothing more than preach up those abominable (but which they call glorious) systems of oppression, which have nearly brought the whole nation to destruction; and the church system must be altered before the country can possibly be in a happy or flourishing condition. Before the People can be blest with, and cordially receive, a perfect Government, and a pure and equitable code of laws, they must reject the Bible as being the word of the true God; and also totally disbelieve the divinity of Christ. For while they are inflexible in the Christian faith there is no possibility of establishing equitable laws; or even acting in a private way justly towards each other; for by the doctrines of the Bible and New Testament, mature is subverted, and where nature is destroyed no perfection can possibly remain. I was in my youthful days taught to read the Bible, and I continued to read and reverence it more than twenty years; and was as tenacious of it and the Christian religion as any one could be, except at some few short intervals, when the reason that nature. had given me was allowed to act; but priestcraft had carefully provided a sufficiently powerful enemy to defeat the efforts of this divine light of nature, until I had the courage to read the "Deist” and Paine's “ Age of Reason." And I do most affectionately entreat all my fellow-countrymen to throw far from them that book which scarcely contains any thing but blasphemy, profaneness, lies, and unequalled absurdities; and instead of the Bible, I would above all things have them read attentively: the "Age of Reason," and the "Deist," which are books replete with perspicuous truth. According to the doctrines of the Bible, no crime can be looked upon with half the blackness, and horror, that the natural conscience of man describes it. For in that book the most atrocious murders are palliated, and in many instances considered as the very essence of the service of the true God. It is the Bible and such books that have degraded and made men far worse than the most hateful part of the brute creation. Far degenerated is that man from the purity of his nature, and Bad indeed in heart, who can only be restrained from doing that which is contrary to moral rectitude and justice, but by the fear of a future existence. Nature has implanted in the human breast the purest principles of virtue and justice; and the tenderest feelings of compassion and love to each other. It has been false systems of religion alone that have caused such degeneracy in the human race; and which now so powerfully militate against the happiness of mankind. I remain, dear Sir, Westgate, Peterborough; Your most sincere well-wisher, P. S. On reading over this letter, I am sorry to find that I have not expressed my thoughts in a better manner, but as they came forth, so I wrote them; and as I believe they are all facts, you are at liberty to do just what you please with them. The desire I feel to see my country in freedom and happiness is equal to your own; but I want abilities and language to express my feelings properly. I believe I am the only person in this city, or even neighbourhood, who has boldly and openly spoke in favour of the People, and Reform; and have thereby got the ill-will of hundreds, and many have done me considerable injury in the way of my business, both here and at Stamford. However, if I can by any exertion or sacrifice, render you or my country the least service, I shall consider myself tenfold rewarded for all my pains. "I have hopes, that by the struggle, we may gain a Republican Government, which is the only one that can be considered naturally good and perfect. DEAR SIR, TO MR. CARLILE. THE right of free discussion upon every subject whatever—or in other words, the right of publishing our opinions upon every matter or occasion, is a subject which has occasionally occupied my attention for now upwards of forty years. Upon this subject I believe there is not much difference in our way of thinking. But I absolutely deny what I think I have seen you adınit, that any Jury whatever has a right to take cognizance of, much less to decide upon the rectitude and propriety of opinions altogether. A jury may say what their opinion is upon any speculative question or subject, though this would be extra-judicial and imperti 1 |