around him became tasteless or detestable--the groves, the streams, the cascade, or the lively landscape-were unadmired-in every scene the image of his tyrannic master was before him, and his soul sickened at the sight. It was only in the gloom of night that he could fancy himself free; because the impenetrable shadows that surrounded him, veiled his emaciated form from the eyes of his Lord-and he became fond of darkness-his mind assimilated itself to the terrific drapery that surrounded it-and he became ferocious. Irritated by oppression, and habituated to feelings of revenge, the unhappy slave awaited the moment when indulgent nature should afford him an opportunity of retaliation, and of once more asserting those rights of which he had been so cruelly deprived. The moment arrives-an earthquake, that threatened the dissolution of the world, shook the kingdom of Laconia to pieces-cities were buried-mountains hurled from their foundations-rivers forced out of their beds-every thing presented the prospect of a world in ruins. Where were the oppressed injured Slaves at this awful moment? In arms! for the recovery of their liberty, and for the revenging of their wrongs! And their rage was terrible. War shook her horrid banners over the country just trem bling at the devastations of nature-the affrighted tyrants took arms-appeared in the field--and perceived they were not a match for the nation they had enslaved-they call the Athenians to their aid, and by their mited efforts reduce the unfortunate Helots to their ancient slavery.

But this insurrection of the slaves taught them a lesson. They perceived that man is naturally fond of liberty, that he will always attempt to regain it, if it has been wrested from his grasp, and that he is never so brave as when fighting in its canse: and to prevent the renewal of a conflict in which they found there was much uncertainty and danger, they adopted a savage custom to thin the number of the enslaved, and hunted them through the country like wild beasts.

This was the first Aristocratical Government of which any thing certain is known and it is an excellent specimen of that sort of Government. Athens was generally free; and was perhaps the only city in the world that ever was so. And it is an incontestible argument that they were happier than their neighbours, that they were always envied by all the world. The birth-place, the cradle, the grave of liberty, was likewise the Temple of Genius, and the asylum of Science and Philosophy. Every thing flourished beneath the laurels of liberty-Athens, the single city of Athens, has

produced more artists, poets, patriots, orators, sages, and legislators, than all the world beside.-What a glorious triumph for Democracy.

Rome, from the expulsion of the Tarquins to the battle of Phillippi, which put an end to Roman liberty, was always wavering between patrician tyranny and a democracysometimes the people were free, and sometimes they were slaves. Generally the patricians charged the friends of the people with sedition, and contrived to murder them. They did so in the case of the Gracchi, the greatest patriots that Rome ever produced, and in many other instances that might be collected from the Roman history. In the latter years of the republic, the Government was a military tyranny, which was at length transformed into an absolute monarchy, not at all worse than the other.

Venice is the next state that displayed any thing like a love of liberty: but at Venice the people were always slaves, and the haughty aristocracy alone were free. It is in vain that we designate a Government Republican, unless the people govern, either immediately, or by their representatives; an aristocracy is worse than absolute monarchy, for the plain reason, that fifty tyrants are worse than one. Besides, it is not absolutely impossible but the monarch may be a virtuous man, though it is very unlikely; but that all the nobles engaged in an aristocratical Government should be good men, is what no man in his senses will expect and one tainted sheep will spoil a whole flock.

As to the small republics of Italy, they are too inconsiderable to arrest our attention---directly or indirectly they were all enslaved. An hereditary nobility was the bane of their happiness; they could never get rid of their counts, and dukes, and popes, and cardinals-a popish country can never be truly free. The eventful history of France is little interesting till within a few years of the Revolution; one is disgusted with the unceasing repetition of those persecutions, massacres, and crimes that characterize a monarchical Government-one can see little to admire even in their great Henry, or greater Louis-all is hypocrisy, and massacre, and Atheism. But after the Revolution, what a change!—in the stead of persecution, and ignorance, and anarchy, we behold toleration, and science, and order spring up. The French people were truly regenerated; their fol-, lies evaporated; their character changed; and for a few years they tasted that freedom which can alone render a nation happy.

The other nations of Europe are centuries behind the French in science and civilization: but the thunder of the Revolution has awakened them from their lethargy-they have ever since been inquiring into the causes of their misfortunes-they are determined to think for themselves. Among the foremost of these nations is Great Britain. The spirit of freedom is gone abroad-intolerance and persecution are deprecated and abhorred-and liberty is the order of the day.

It is the general opinion that our Parliament intends to restrain the liberty of the press within very narrow limits, and to deprive us altogether of the right or privilege of discussing political subjects-they are in the right to do so, if they can; and the English nation deserves to be enslaved to eternity if it suffer them. The Government has already shewn its intolerant spirit in the condemnation of Carlile, and we may expect to be prohibited from thinking next. I am sure they have as much right to imprison us for thinking, as for speaking what we think-language ought to be as free as thought, and thought as the very air we breathe. How is any man sure he thinks more correctly than I do? Has he the majority on his side? That proves nothing. When the moon is eclipsed, the whole Tartar nation is in great consternation, believing the Devil about to run away with her and should some sage arise at the time and contradict the popular belief, he would certainly be in the right, and yet he would get his brains knocked out for being so. It is the same in every other country-whoever believes as the rest of the nation does, is respected as a good citizen, let the national belief be ever so absurd-and whoever is bold enough to tell a nation that believes contradictions, that it is ridiculous for believing them, will be sure to be hanged for his pains.

Society is held together by a very singular cement, made up of wisdom, prejudice, and superstition-the muck which the masons mix with the mortar, destined to cement the walls of a palace, is as necessary as the fine marble pillars to the completion of the whole design, and is concealed by more showy materials when the palace is finished: but the mud-gatherer would be very ridiculous if he were to pretend that mud alone was necessary to build a palace. In like manner superstition may perhaps be necessary in society; prejudices may have their utility; but the dealer in prejudice and superstition should never take it into his head that he is the only person in the world that does any good;

much less ought he to persecute and massacre the man who is more enlightened or more honest than himself. He ought to be convinced that legislators, philosophers, and statesmen, who cannot believe his superstitious tales, are quite as necessary as himself to the well-being of society, and he ought to learn toleration and mildness.

Above all, a prince or a statesman should beware how he delegates his power to a priest; he should beware how he is made the tool of a religious faction; he ought to perceive that diversity of opinion is the support of Government, since those who busy themselves much about the affairs of the next world, generally neglect the one they live in. Whether this be policy or not on their part is a questionbut it is certainly politic in a prince to let them quarrel on, as long as they do it in a civil manner, that is, as long as they use only words, for when the spiritualists come to blows, it is time for the prince or magistrate to interpose.

But while men conduct themselves peaceably, I cannot conceive what right the Government has to meddle with their faith. If I chose to worship an onion, as was the case with the Egyptians, or the female pudendum, like the Ansarians of Syria, according to the account of M. Volney, I cannot see who has a right to quarrel with me, much less cut my throat because I choose to worship a strange god. A man has perhaps a right to reason with me; to tell me my god is a very ridiculous one, and totally unable to assist me out of any of my difficulties-but I may retort, and tell him as much of his own god, worship what he may; I might say that those who pretend to have a more rational faith are not a whit wiser than me, and, for aught I know,` those who have no faith at all may be the wisest. The man might think me a fool, and wisely go about his business, and in the obstinacy of my superstition I might think him one-but should either of us take it into his head to prosecute the other in a court of law for not believing the same absurdities, he would be worse than ridiculous-he would be detestable,

JULIAN AUGUSTUS ST. JOHN.

SUBSCRIPTION FOR MR. CARLILE.

From W. W. W. W. as a small tribute to R. Carlile (wishing it were ten thousand times as much) for his manly intrepidity in the cause of truth and good sense against the tyrauny of fanaticism. November 27, 1819.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.

In answer to J. B.'s letter of the 27th of this month, I have to inform him, that on Wednesday next will be published, Price Sixpence, Number 1. of a New Work, entitled "LIBERTY; or, THE RIGHTS OF NATIONS;" by JULIAN AUGUSTUS ST. JOHN. In this work the author enters deeply into the question relating to the being and nature of the Deity-The immortality of the soulThe antiquity of the world; with the opinions of the ancient Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans on its formation-On the Athenian, Lacedemonian, and Roman Republics; with a dissertation on the spirit of government in Greece, and remarks on the rise and power of the Macedonian Empire, and on the characters of Philip and Alexander. The author has introduced his hero to the acquaintance of the greatest characters of the French Revolution, and given a sketch of the motives and principles which swayed and governed them. He has endeavoured to present the world with a correct picture of the great Count Mirabeau, Condorcet, Diderot, D'Alembert, &c., and to unveil the secret springs which produced the French Revolution.

The work will be published in gantly printed, on good paper.

Weekly Numbers, and be elePrinted for the Author, and sold by T. Davison, 10, Duke Street, Smithfield; and C. Johns, 222, Little Queen Street, Holborn ; and all Booksellers.

EDITOR.

P. S. Also very shortly will be published,, THE WREATH OF FREEDOM; being a Collection of Songs in favour of Public Liberty.

Printed and Published by T. Davison, 10, Duke-street, Smithfield.