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1756

PITT AND THE WAR.

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head of the government was Pitt. One instance will suffice. In CHAP. 1758, when Newcastle, the "universal minister" of 1754, was again at the head of the treasury, a medal was struck to commemorate the capture of Louisbourg. The legend round the edge was "William Pitt administering". And yet Pitt was no more than secretary for what George regarded as the less important department of foreign affairs. To Holdernesse belonged the whole continent exclusive of Italy, Spain, and Portugal, France being at war. Fortunately for England, Pitt's province included her interests beyond the Atlantic and in India, the value of which his mind had grasped. Moreover, as concert was necessary between the two secretaries, the stronger intellect exercised a natural control over the entire foreign policy, while in case of differences an appeal lay to the king and the cabinet.1

Pitt's study of military affairs had convinced him of the ministerial misconduct of the war, and it was to the management of the war, particularly by sea, that he addressed his energy, and he therefore placed Temple, who would work with him, at the admiralty. As the drama unfolded itself in America and India, the rôle of the navy was increasingly appreciated. A change came over the spirit of English naval officers, whether owing to the inspiration of Pitt or the fate of Byng. On the morrow of Byng's failure, Fox, as secretary for the south, discussed with the Spanish ambassador the possibility of exchanging Gibraltar for Port Mahon.2 Newcastle was as resolute in his opposition as he knew how to be. England, he suggested to Fox, had better indemnify herself by taking Corsica from the Genoese,3 who had always supported France. "But," he added, "I own my chief dependence is in North America, and to regain Port Mahon by operations there. Conquest in North America is our point." On the other hand, the governor, Lord Tyrawly, reported to Pitt on February 1, 1757, that Gibraltar was a source of expense, as ill-adapted as the Eddystone for the

1 For instance, Holdernesse writes to Newcastle that the king has commanded him "to go to him (Pitt) in the country with the Duke of Devonshire . . . to settle the several points of business depending in my office". November 22, 1756, Newcastle Papers, Brit. Mus., Add. MSS., 32,869, f. 120.

2 Ibid.

3 Newcastle to Fox, July 24, 1756, ibid., 32,866, f. 265.

CHAP. repair of a fleet. This consideration obscured its strategic XXVI. value as controlling the straits and interposing an obstacie

to the junctions of the two divisions of the French or Spanish fleets. Pitt adopted Tyrawly's view, took no pains to improve its defensiveness, and at this time regarded it as a pawn in the game of negotiation for the restitution of Port Mahon. From the expressions of Newcastle above quoted, it will be seen that the idea of exerting the national energies chiefly in North America was not, as seems sometimes to be supposed, peculiar to Pitt. Newcastle's weakness lay, not in lack of ideas, but in incapacity for sustained purpose, and he would inevitably have succumbed to the pressure of the court in favour of a continental war. Newcastle, as well as Wade and Cumberland, had recognised the usefulness of the highlanders as soldiers. It was Pitt who extended their employment from the whig clans to those recently in rebellion. In answer to remonstrances by Hardwicke, he said "it would be a drain and not many of them would return". Two battalions, numbering in all 2,000 men, were enlisted for service in America.

"It could

Not until February 17, 1757, did Pitt, who had been incapacitated by gout during his ten weeks of office, take his seat as a minister in the house of commons. not fail of being remarked," notes Horace Walpole, “that he dated his administration with a demand of money for Hanover." A message from the king asked for £200,000 for an "army of observation" to enable him to fulfil his agreement with the King of Prussia, under the convention of Westminster, "for the security of the Empire against the irruption of foreign armies". As the proposal before the house was to carry into effect a treaty made by the previous administration, it met with no opposition from the dependants of Newcastle or the followers of Fox. The militia bill, announced in the king's speech, one of the conditions precedent to Pitt's acceptance of office, was again brought forward by George Townshend. The suspicion was general that it was designed to entrap recruits for the regular army. The tory party, consistently with its

1 Newcastle to the Duke of Devonshire, January 10, 1756, Newcastle Papers,

Brit. Mus., Add. MSS., 32,862, f. 58, and see p. 320, n. 2 supra.

2 Hardwicke to Newcastle, December 6, 1756, ibid., 32,869, f. 253.

1757

TRIAL OF ADMIRAL BYNG.

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attitude since the revolution, vehemently opposed it. In the CHAP. lords, the opposition succeeded in cutting it down by onehalf, to 32,000 men for England and Wales, in which form it became law. After the harvest, when the first steps were taken to carry it into force, riots broke out in the counties of Surrey, Kent, Leicester, Hertford, Bedford, Nottingham, and York.

On December 28, 1756, the court-martial on Admiral Byng held its first sitting. It consisted of twelve officers under the presidency of Vice-Admiral Thomas Smith. The main charges were that Byng had not done his utmost to destroy the French fleet, to assist the ships engaged, nor to relieve St. Philip's castle. Upon this third charge a substantial defence could scarcely be made. Upon the other two Byng justified himself by the case of Admiral Mathews: the signal for the line being hoisted, any other course than that taken by him would have increased the disorder of the fleet. This piece of naval pedantry did not commend itself to his judges. By the twelfth of the naval articles of war 1 "Whoever through cowardice, negligence, or disaffection shall not do his utmost during an engagement shall suffer death". On January 27, 1757, the court acquitted Byng of cowardice or disaffection, but unanimously found that he did not do his utmost "to relieve St. Philip's castle, nor to take, seize, and destroy the French ships and to assist his van". Of negligence it said nothing. In accordance with the twelfth article he was ordered to be shot, but on the ground that his misconduct did not arise from cowardice or disaffection, the court unanimously recommended him to mercy. Public opinion was divided. The mass of the people, the real authors of the overthrow of Newcastle's ministry, were violent against Byng. It is to the credit of Pitt that in what he felt to be justice to Byng he had the courage to withstand both the king and the popular outcry. At a cabinet council on February 26 Pitt told the king that the house of commons wished to have Byng pardoned, but he was met by the memorable retort: "Sir, you have taught me to look for the sense of my subjects in another place than the house of commons". George was deaf to all petitions. He was convinced, as was the majority of the nation,

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CHAP. that an example would have to be made, and certain it is that, had Byng's policy of avoiding doubtful engagements been suffered, England's superior naval strength would have been neutralised. On March 14, upon the quarter-deck of the Monarque in Portsmouth harbour, the admiral intrepidly met his doom.

The formation and equipment of the "army of observation" were taken in hand in February. At the instance of the King of Prussia, who hoped that British troops might serve with him, the post was offered to Cumberland. The duke made his acceptance conditional upon Pitt's dismissal from office. Pitt's influence, both with the king and with the general public, had suffered by his intervention on behalf of Byng. On March 7, the king, since Newcastle had refused to move, invited Fox to form an administration. Not a word was said to Pitt. The first blow was the dismissal of Temple from the admiralty. On April 5 Lord Winchilsea kissed hands for his post. Pitt received his dismissal on the next day, and this was followed by the resignation of Legge and the Grenvilles. Secure of success, Cumberland had on April 1 started for Germany.

It was enough for the nation that Pitt had been turned out of office to gratify the widely detested Duke of Cumberland. The cities of London, Bath, Worcester, Chester, Exeter, and other places voted him and Legge their freedoms. As Horace Walpole puts it, "for some weeks it rained gold boxes". Pitt, on the other hand, had learnt that he could not maintain himself in office except by a coalition which would enable him to command the house of commons. This consideration pointed imperatively to an alliance with Newcastle, who had apparently taken no steps to supplant him. For nearly three months after the dismissal of Pitt, the country was without a government. Newcastle was "arbiter of England". He hesitated at an alliance with Pitt which would consign himself to insignificance. The king, thereupon, resolved with the help of Fox to form a ministry himself, with Lord Waldegrave as the nominal chief, supported by Holdernesse, Winchilsea, Bedford, Granville, and other friends of Cumberland. Waldegrave declined, and Chesterfield, under the inspiration of Leicester House, undertook to smooth matters between Newcastle and Pitt. The admiralty was the chief difficulty. After some bargaining a compromise was

1757

ALLIANCE OF PITT WITH NEWCASTLE.

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arrived at. Anson was nominated first lord, but Pitt was to CHAP. write the instructions to the admirals, to be countersigned by three lords of the admiralty. As Hardwicke declined office, Sir Robert Henley, attorney-general, was made lord keeper, and Pitt's friend and schoolfellow, Charles Pratt, promoted to Henley's place. Holdernesse, who had tendered his resignation, was reinstated as northern, while Pitt again received the seals as southern secretary. On June 29 the new ministry kissed hands. It was at a moment of darkened prospects. Five days earlier the news had arrived of the disastrous defeat of Frederick by the Austrians at Kolin in Bohemia. About the same time came tidings of the peril to the British settlements in Bengal and of the atrocity known to history as "the Black Hole of Calcutta".

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