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that for the promotion of education, because it tends to remove the necessity of others. Those wants which are the certain wants of all classes, form part of the necessary wages of labour. The greatest ideot can foresee, when he marries, the probability of lying-in expenses. They form part of the necessary wages of labour. The mischief of endeavouring (for it is but endeavouring) to relieve the poor of part of this has been already shown. Therefore we have no hesitation in condemning Lying-in Hospitals. No sooner are the poor relieved from that expense, than they are enabled to take less wages— they do take less wages, and at a season of pain and anxiety their wives leave their families, and frequently endanger their lives by long and fruitless walks from one hospital to another.* We have the authority of the last-quoted zealous historian of public charities to assure u's how unpopular these hospitals are to the poor creatures themselves, and how anxiously they prefer the relief of those establishments which assist them at their own habitations. They are only induced to leave their own home and seek the hospital, by that very necessity which is created by the public charities themselves, viz. a lowering of wages to the exact amount of the charitable funds. We hope we have as much charity, at least as deep an anxiety for the happiness of our fellowcreatures, as our neighbours. But we will not be driven from our solemn conviction by unmeaning tirades about the weakness of the sex, and the claims that our suffering sisters have on our benevolence at that peculiar trial, when nature seems to have thrown the task of both upon one. Neither do we regard the terms of "cold-blooded calculation," and so on, which may be thrown on us by those whose heads and hearts we covet not. We are not advocating the claims. of the rest of the community against the labouring classes; for the shortest method of proving the evil to the community is by proving its perniciousness to the poor. We condemn Lying-in Hospitals, We have no choice left. Our conviction is not a matter of volition. The same reasoning will apply to Dispensaries, &c. which are established for the gratuitous provision of those numerous and petty medical wants which may be expected to fall on every family.

Hospitals for infectious and peculiar and dreadful disorders, fractured limbs, for the blind, the deaf and dumb, for the children of executed felons, &c., are extremely different in principle. They make no fruitless effort to relieve the poor from what constitutes the necessary wages of labour. No man calculates upon suffering under a cancer, nor breaking his hip; neither marries under the expectation of procreating deficient children, nor with the intention of being hanged. The expenses of lying-in are general and foreseen,-of a

Highmore on Public Charities. 1814. p. 189.

fractured limb, particular and accidental. Therefore the latter make no part of the necessary wages of labour, and if they are met by charity, it has no tendency to lower wages. Here then is a field for charity, to which we invite alike those who agree with us, those who do not understand us, and those who abuse us and to which, with God's blessing, we will come ourselves.

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With respect, however, even to these fortuitous and unforeseen inflictions, it is to be remarked, that though accidental to individuals, they are general to classes; that a certain proportion of them fall annually on the poor. If the labouring classes, progressing in edu-, cation, should increase too in prudence, they might consider it quite as essentially necessary to lay up a small provision against these sorts of calamities as against their more ordinary and obvious wants. Α proportional amount of this provision would be added to their necessary wages, and that which is now bestowed as a favour would be defrayed by the labourers themselves. At present the labouring classes are unaccustomed to look so far, and therefore the burthen of accidental inflictions constitutes no part of the labourer's hire; the necessary wages of labour thus fall short of what they otherwise would be, to the amount of the average expense of the unforeseen calamities which fall on the lower classes. Thus the contributions of the rich are, in effect, deducted from the wages of labour; and my contribution is precisely in the nature of a general subscription from the la-, bouring classes for individual distress. One labourer's unavoidable expense is borne in equal shares by all the rest. This is exactly as it should be,—and what is thus done indirectly may one day be done directly. The poor in many districts have already discovered that a certain average number are annually sick. Instead of vainly supposing that each will escape, they have united in "Friendly Societies," by which the expenses of the sick are defrayed, and the mental security of the others insured. In the progress of intellect and prudence, the labouring inhabitants of large districts might observe that a certain number of accidents annually occurred, and they might learn to prevent the pecuniary ruin of the few by the contribution of all. They might even observe that one out of 500 was afflicted with cancer, or that one family out of 500 had the burthen of a blind child; and thence, reasoning that the chances were one to 500 that the misfortune fell on a particular individual, each might be willing to contribute the five hundredth part of the expense of one case, and an ample provision be consequently secured against the pecuniary part of these evils by the poor themselves. Until they can be taught to reason thus, we most willingly advocate all those charities which are established for the relief of those wants, which, in the present state of education, are not foreseen by the poor. In fact, the effect is nearly the same in one

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respect. In both cases it operates precisely as a contribution from the poor themselves. We confess we are anxious it should come directly from themselves, instead of indirectly from their employers; because nothing so disarms a man's industry or virtue, as the feeling of dependence on other men's caprice. If it be true (as it certainly is) that the amount of charitable subscriptions is, in fact, deducted from the labourers' wages, we should infinitely prefer that they should have the credit of paying it themselves.

One more word on charitable schools. The higher classes of the labouring community give a certain education to their children. It is calculated upon, and forms part of their necessary wages. The principles we have endeavoured to unfold, prove that no good would be done by endeavouring to relieve them from this. But if we are inclined to push the education of their children beyond its present limit, our contributions should be confined to that excess, and the parents should be compelled to contribute at least as much to the education of their children as before. As to the lowest classes, who never dream of educating their children, nothing can be better bestowed than the expense of doing so. But neither food nor clothing should be provided gratuitously. For they are incidental to all families, and form part of the necessary wages of labour which cannot be disturbed with impunity.

The strictest analysis and the widest scope of reasoning produce the same conclusions, as experience ought long ago to have taught us. Have the Poor-laws diminished pauperism, or removed the wants of the poor? yet this was their sole object. They pretend to embrace the objects of almost every other charitable establishment. The legislature assumes that the parish will furnish the expenses of lyingin, of sickness, of foundlings, of clothing, &c. &c. in all cases where the wages of the labourer are unable to meet them. Is there one of our readers who does not know, from personal observation, that this obligation on the parish has had precisely the effect on wages which we have attributed above to general charities? In the parish in which we are now writing, it is usual for the farmers to pay their labourers at far less than the necessary rate of wages, and send them to the parish for the rest. Whereas, any one, who will think of the subject for ten minutes, will perceive that without this resource the whole sum would have been paid by the farmer, and still left him the common profits of stock throughout the country.

At Oviedo there was formerly an accumulation of charitable sources, almost boundless. Yet even in Spain there was no where so miserable and indigent a population as at Oviedo.

At Bedford in England, and Stirling in Scotland, (if we recollect right) there is a greater proportion of charitable institutions than elsewhere. Experience has shewn, in both places, the same result which

reason would have taught us to anticipate.* Indiscriminate charity creates and increases its own objects.

An old catholic family in our present neighbourhood, had been accustomed for many centuries to distribute a certain dole at particular seasons to all comers. These, and similar customs, have long ago created a class of persons who traverse the country systematically ; timing their appearance at different places with the anniversary of the dole. In the particular instance we have mentioned, though no persons could be more attached to old family customs, they have been lately compelled, by the almost ludicrous increase of applications, entirely to discontinue the distribution, though it had existed from the time of Henry II.

Any of our correspondents who will furnish us with a refutation of our principles, we shall thank. If they are as irrefragable as we believe they are, we deeply hope that no reader will continue to hug himself on his humanity, while he is merely avoiding the disgust of beholding misery by creating a greater.

One word more. These charities have long existed; they have nursed up a numerous train of poor objects for themselves;-they have created a necessity for their own continuance. It were hard to turn round upon those poor wretches, and leave them to suffer and perish till things had again settled in a healthy and natural posture. All we have to do is, to oppose, invariably and earnestly, any increase in the charities, and endeavour gradually to abolish them, whenever accidental improvements in the condition of the poor, or other favourable opportunities in particular districts, will permit.

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ART II. The Social Conduct of a Christian considered, in Seven Sermons, addressed to an Individual. Oxford, 1825. pp. 148.

We live in an age not more abounding in literary pretension, than rich in literary fame. There are numberless pathways to the glittering goal,-some, "ways of pleasantness, and paths of peace," - others, beset with contending adventurers, bent upon the occupation of some particular position, disputing every inch of ground, and each party claiming the victory when the battle is no more. Now that international contests are at an end, the polemical fight begins. The arena

* We quote these instances (from recollection) from an article in the Supplement to the Encyclopædia Britannica, by a talented and amiable Prebendary of Durhain, whom, many years ago, we loved and looked up to as an instructor, and whose general opinions we are glad to hold in maturer life.'

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bojenimonsi is chot with angry preparation, and the champions busy with their weapons of controversy-and this too in advancement of the pure peaceful cause of Christianity. Our Lord's declaration is no longer mysterious, the "sword" is " upon earth,"―and kingdoms and houses and kindred are divided against each other.

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We gladly turn from this field of disputation into the calmer scenes of christian duty; and we thank our Author, (presuming him to be a proficient in the "literæ humaniores," &c. &c. of his celebrated University,) for bending his mind to the consideration of such simple truths as are embodied in his "Seven Sermons, addressed to an Individual." He may be assured that Fame, "though her port be bold," awaits his truly christian purpose, clad as it is in the unassuming garb of a (very cheap) duodecimo.

We gather from the Preface, that "the Author was applied to by a much-valued friend, to assist in giving advice to a third person, altogether unknown to him-a young lady of good understanding, who was described as having fallen into a melancholy state of mind, owing to erroneous impressions on the subject of religion." Nor do we hesitate to award to this anonymous Author less praise for the method and matter of his instruction, than for the motive which governed him in composing and publishing his Sermons. His observations are embodied in Seven Discourses, in which the "social conduct of the Christian is considered." The first is entitled, An Exhortation to a serious Enquiry into the Doctrines of the Gospel, in regard to some of the principal Duties of Social Life.-II. Nonconformity to the World.— III. Charity.IV. Christian Liberality.-V. Communion of Saints. -VI. On Scandals.-VII. On Humility. We will furnish the reader with a brief extract from such of these discourses as appear to us to bear most ably upon the subject under discussion.

As no advice was requested on matters of doctrine, the Author has, "as far as possible, avoided that branch of the subject." The first discourse, therefore, which is chiefly introductory, is a serious exhortation to an enquiry into the doctrines of the Gospel; not a sustained discussion of the doctrines themselves.

"I proceed to the consideration of this most interesting subject with a deep sense of the responsibility which lies in the office of a teacher of the risk of error attaching to every human effort towards the elucidation of divine truth. Since, however, the words of inspiration are diversely interpreted by mankind, it becomes the duty of those who minister therein to expound them to the best of their power; and the exhortation to 'prove' or try all things,' is to them an additional motive towards exertion in the convincing of others." P. 3.

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Again, as to the exercise of the religious principle:

"I would not, however, have you by any means suppose that I am

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