extinguished. Though the passing of a Bill such as we have been discussing would still leave the Empire a state held together jure imperii, and not jure societatis, yet it would be a step towards federation in the proper sense of the term; for before there would be any chance of the success of a federal union of the territories now subject to Parliament, the United Kingdom would have to be divided into at any rate three states. One of the first conditions of a successful union on a federal basis is that there shall be no very marked inequality between the states. The United Kingdom is a great deal too powerful, in regard to the colonies individually, for a federal union in which it would be a single state to be stable and efficient.

But the term " federation" is obviously often used loosely to mean either the extension of the right of representation in the Imperial Parliament to the colonies, or the creation of some new representative body elected from all the territories of the Empire, with power of legislation on imperial concerns. The House of Commons is already so numerous and so over-weighted with business that the adoption of the first of these alternative plans simply, without the devolution of a large proportion of the work to legislative bodies for England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, would be impracticable. Even if it could be carried out by the diminution of the number of the members for the United Kingdom, it would be felt with justice by the

See Mill," Representative Government," c. 17, as to this.

English people very unfair for a majority composed possibly mainly of Canadian, Australian, Irish, and Scotch representatives to control purely English affairs. It is not unusual even now to hear complaints that the influence of the other parts of the kingdom in the House of Commons is so great that the wishes of the English counties are overborne; and the feeling that prompts these expressions would be intensified by the presence of colonial members. The only practical plan on which the colonies could be allowed a direct voice on imperial policy by representation in Parliament would be by the delegation of the domestic affairs of the different portions of the United Kingdom to subordinate governments, and the reservation by Parliament to itself only of the matters in which the whole Empire has a common interest. It is clear enough that the passing of such a Bill as Mr. Gladstone proposed, far from tending to defeat any change in the direction of federation, either in its strict sense or in the popular signification just mentioned, would mark a distinct advance towards the realisation of the project.

§ 12. CONCLUSION.

The general conclusion which it is believed ought to be drawn from this inquiry is, that the establishment of such a Government at Dublin as would result from a bill drawn on the principles of that of

Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Morley would result in the maintenance of law and order by the creation of a lawabiding national character in Ireland; that the sovereignty of Parliament would not be thereby infringed from a constitutional point of view; that the effective power of the Queen's Government over that island would be strengthened; and the unity of the three kingdoms and of the Empire made more real and lasting.

Whether, having regard to the religious differences which exist in Ireland, and the economic state of the country, the interests of the minority were sufficiently protected by the Bill of Mr. Gladstone, is a question which is not directly connected with the inquiry that has been pursued in these pages, and which requires independent investigation. As to the fears entertained, or at any rate expressed, that the establishment of an Irish Parliament would lead to oppression of Protestants, it may be very confidently stated that the restrictions imposed by the 4th section of the rejected Bill on the Irish legislative body were quite sufficient to prevent any persecution of Protestants or the undue favouring of Catholics by any statute that could stand the trial of its validity in a court of justice. But, in fact, so far as one can see, the apprehensions of Catholic ascendancy in any improper sense are baseless.*

* See Canon MacColl's forcible remarks on this point, "Reasons for Home Rule," 3rd edition, p. 68.

It would take me too far from the main subject of this essay even to touch on the means that should be taken to protect landowners from any measures as to real property which might be passed by the proposed Irish Parliament, and which might prejudicially affect those now interested in the land of Ireland. In considering the draft of the Bill, it must be remembered that the Land Bill formed an integral part of the Government scheme. Assuming that this measure is dropped, it would no doubt be only just to limit the powers of the Irish legislative body in dealing with the law of real property. It must, however, be remembered that the best security for property is to be found in the enforcement of law with the general consent of the community. It has been pointed out also that there is nothing to show that the Irish people have been or are actuated by any socialistic impulses; on the other hand, everything seems to show a passionate attachment on their part to the principle of private property in land. The agitation in Ireland has been due not so much to hostility to the existing law of real property as a system, as to the deep conviction of the Irish people that the landlords have no just or moral title to the profits of the land, and for the explanation of this conviction we must go back to those effects of the English conquest to which attention has been drawn above.

That so generous a measure of Home Rule as was offered by the Cabinet of Mr. Gladstone should have

at once commended itself to the country, was hardly to be expected; but even now in the hour of disappointment the Prime Minister and his colleagues have the satisfaction of feeling that the time is not far distant when it will be recognised by all parties that the true solution of the long-standing Irish difficulty lies in the adoption of some such scheme of government as they have suggested. The causes of Irish disorder are too deep-rooted to be removed by any measure for the extension of mere local government. No plan that does not meet the reasonable claims of Irish nationality will suffice to appease the existing discontent, and it was the peculiar merit of Mr. Gladstone's Bill that it amply recognised this necessity.

The only course logically consistent with a denial of the demands of the national party is a policy of resolute coercion. We may again resort to oppressive laws and armed force. If we do, we shall doubtless obtain a superficial triumph; but victory will be purchased at too great a cost, for its inevitable consequence will be that every Irishman of spirit will quit his native land to find a new home beyond the seas, and bequeath to his children a legacy of hate and a hope of vengeance; while there will be left behind only a soulless remnant from whose dull eyes the lively light of Celtic genius will have gone for ever.

The policy of conciliation is based on an extension of the confidence already reposed by the Constitution in the Irish people-on the belief that they have