sins by which they are rendered unclean in flesh and spirit; but it is clear that he does not here refer to the power, but to the guilt or consciousness of sin. Hence the cleansing to which he refers is the forgiveness of sin. When he adds the exhortation to perfect holiness in the fear of God he does not think of the possibility of self-sanctification by upright conduct, but rather points out that after they are forgiven they must perfect holiness. That is, forgiveness demands effort to avoid sin. Also the words "Having therefore these promises" show how Paul thought the purification from sin was to be brought about. For the promises referred to are those of vi, 18, where the Fatherhood of God is promised. Hence he must have had in mind the Lord's Prayer with its opening words, "Our Father." In other words, Paul, in 2 Cor. vii, 1, gave his readers to understand that the way by which to secure the forgiveness of their sins was to pray for forgiveness in the words of the Lord's Prayer. That in the epistles of Paul the references to the petition are not more frequent is not significant. In the churches which he founded the Lord's Prayer was so well known, and repentance, faith, and forgiveness of sin were such common features that no special reference need be made to them in his letters. It is extremely doubtful whether Bindemann has clearly made out all his points. It is reasonable to suppose that Paul knew the Lord's Prayer; and it is possible that in some of his utterances his language was influenced by the language of that prayer. It is probable also that he recognized the need of daily forgiveness for daily sins. But this idea of forgiveness was not a prominent thought with Paul. His dominant idea was that once we became Christians we ought to avoid sin; and that the inward tendencies which lead us to sin should be put to death. In short, Paul was not so much concerned about the external consequences of sin as about the incongruity of it as an inward fact. The Christian ought to be inwardly and outwardly like his Lord.

RECENT THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE.

Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christenthums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten (The Propagation and Extension of Christianity in the First Three Centuries). By A. Harnack. Leipzig, J. C. Heinrichs, 1902. It is an evidence of the clear perception of historical facts, so characteristic of Harnack, that he has noted both the propagation of Christianity by missionaries and its spread or extension after 200, between which time and 325 there were very few missionaries in our modern sense of the word, although Christianity was so constantly and rapidly spreading during that century and a quarter that at its close it became to all intents and purpose the State religion. Harnack divides his material into four books. In the first he gives us the facts concerning the geographical distribution of the Jews, the external

and internal conditions within the Roman empire which prepared the way for the acceptance of the Gospel, and the causes which led the apostles to turn from the Jews to the Gentiles as the chief sphere of their labors. In the second book he states what, in his judgment, was the secret of the success of Christianity, that is, that in the third century the most powerful factor was just the Church itself in all its completeness, which had an almost irresistible attraction for men and women of the period. This is a most interesting view. It withdraws the attention from the instrumentalities, denying to them the chief influence, and fixes it upon the Christian religion as set forth in its doctrines and worship and customs, as the all-important cause of its triumph. It gives us hope that when external means seem to fail us the inner power of Christianity to attract human nature will still be exerted, and that our religion must be, as our Lord has said, like the leaven which leaveneth the whole lump. But with this view goes a responsibility which should give all thoughtful men food for reflection-the responsibility of keeping Christianity free from the impediments of entanglement with any unnecessary or outward forms, formulas, or other swaddling bands. In the third book we have an account of Christian missionaries, missionary methods, instruction of catechumens, baptisms, the relation of the episcopacy to the work of propagandism, and the results of the oppositions, persecutions, public disfavor, and literary assaults, with which the Church had to contend. In the fourth book he gives us the evidence available for an estimate of the rapidity of the numerical growth of the Church; especially among the different classes and races. He has probably named every place where Christianity gained a foothold prior to 325. This is a book which all who read the German ought to have. It is to be hoped that erelong it will be translated into English. By saying this it is not meant to give the book an unqualified indorsement. That it is a monument of learning is evident, and it will be correspondingly useful to most readers. It is a book to be used for reference. But in this is one of its chief defects. The book is not an organism. It leaves the impression of having been thrown together, although by a master hand. It seems to this writer as though large portions of the book are made up of matter collected preparatory to the great lectures published in this country under the title "What is Christianity?" In that book it seems to us he gave us the spirit and the life of the matter. Here he has given us the facts of which the earlier work was the interpretation. They are too valuable to be thrown aside, but they could better have been given as an appendix to the earlier work, and as the basis for the conclusions then drawn. Still, it must be admitted that the book has a value in and for itself. Had Harnack not written "What is Christianity?" and had he put the great thoughts there expressed into this book, the combination would have been overwhelming.

Eduard von Hartmanns philosophisches System im Grundriss (An Outline of the Philosophical System of Edward von Hartmann). By Arthur Drews. Heidelberg, C. Winter, 1902. Professor Drews says that almost at the very time when the political aspirations of former generations of Germans found their fulfillment by means of Bismarck, Hartmann, a Bismarck of thought, brought to completion the efforts of his predecessors in the realm of philosophy. He also reminds us that as Schopenhauer had to wait more than thirty years for public recognition, so, with the exception of his first work, Hartmann has had as yet very little influence either upon philosophical or scientific progress, notwithstanding the fact that his philosophy of the unconscious prepared the way for a new epoch in philosophical development. Filled with such enthusiasm for his master Drews goes about his task. He places the philosophy of the unconscious in contrast with the philosophy of the conscious, that is, the entire modern philosophy, which he traces to Descartes. However various the ways followed by thinkers subsequent to the great Frenchman, and however at variance their views appear to be, the foundation upon which they have erected their structures was Descartes's cogito ergo sum. It never occurred to them to question whether consciousness is the real and the essential, the inexplicable ground and the creative power of the universe. Since in the thought of the ego consciousness and being, presentation and object, ideal and real, are identical, this identity of being and thought is the kernel, the metaphysical essence of things, and the Hegelian philosophy, which robbed philosophy of all scientific standing, is the highest expression of this thought. The philosophy of Hartmann turns this relationship between being and consciousness squarely about. While in the philosophy of the past the content of consciousness was the real, creative force, the philosophy of Hartmann declares consciousness to be absolutely unproductive, and the passive product of the unconscious real. So that Hartmann broke absolutely with the cogito ergo sum. In the consideration of Hartmann's pessimism, Drews calls attention to the difference between his master and Schopenhauer. While the latter declared that the world is the worst possible, Hartmann says that the world is the best possible, although no world would have been better still, thus uniting the optimism of Leibnitz with the pessimism of Schopenhauer. While Schopenhauer declares all pleasure to arise from the cessation of a pain, Hartmann holds that there are pleasures which are independent of previous pains, such as pleasing tastes, and the enjoyment of art and science. The doctrine that there is a surplus of dissatisfactions over satisfactions falls, however, as soon as one discovers that there is a qualitative difference between pleasurable feelings. It is interesting to note that Drews thinks there is a certain point of contact between Hartmann and Christianity. According to Hartmann the final outcome of all the world's develop

ment will be the universal negation of will; that is the redemption of the world will result from the progress of things and will consist in the abandonment of will, and this the author thinks is practically the old Christian doctrine of the renewal of all things in God, which is the center of all systems of mysticism. But while the mystics have ever sought to sink themselves into the Divine Being, even in such a sense as to lose themselves, they never conceived of this as a destruction of the conscious and the volitional, since God was regarded as consciousness and will. As to the epoch-making character of Hartmann's philosophy, Drews will find few to agree with him. The simple fact that men are conscious will always lead them as in the past to the conclusion that the world-ground is conscious. And as long as men find that thought is effective in their dealings with things about them, they will attribute a power to thought in the world-ground. Drews has given us a valuable work for the understanding of Hartmann; but the better Hartmann is understood the less will he be received.

RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL.

In a

German Professors on the Necessity of Conversion. recent discussion of this subject there arose very much the same differences of judgment between the theological professors and the practical workers in the field as exists in this country. The professors sit in their studies and think out an ideal plan for doing things which the workers in the field find utterly inadequate to their needs. This was admitted by one of the professors when he pointed out that they have to do with a much different class of people, composed for the most part of those who are preparing for the ministry, and who by their training and their very relation to the Church have finer feelings than the masses. Professor Kähler summed up one phase of the controversy by saying that God converts men, but that he at the same time requires them to convert themselves.

The Gospels in Italian with the Consent of the Roman Curia. This seems almost too good to be true, yet true it is. Whether the approval will be withdrawn remains to be seen. The translator affirms, indeed, that he has followed the Vulgate with but rare exceptions, and so he has. But it is very remarkable that he should mention and use the critical texts of Tischendorf and Westcott, the critical principles of Nestle, the German translation of Weizsäcker, and critical studies of the Gospels by Holtzmann, Jülicher, Reville, and even by Harnack, and that he openly says that he is indebted to the Württemberg Bible Society (Protestant) for the maps and charts which accompany his translation. Verily, even the Roman Catholic world moves,

SUMMARY OF THE REVIEWS AND MAGAZINES.

The London Quarterly Review, edited by Dr. W. L. Watkinson and published by Charles H. Kelly, presents in its April number an unusually rich and diversified list of subjects, such as "Our Lord's Virgin Birth," which confirms the traditional faith; "On Growing Old," which is a biological study of senescence; "The Inner Life of Jesus," which is an admirable examination of Weinel's Die Bildersprache Jesu in ihrer Bedeutung für die Erforschung seines inneren Lebens; "A Curious Story of Papal Infallibility;" "Eudæmonism: A Study in Ethics;" and "The Evolution of a Slum." The leading article is by Professor W. T. Davison on "Martineau and Modern Unitarianism." In most of its estimates and views it agrees with John Watson's paper in The Hibbert Journal for January on "A Saint of Theism." Both note Martineau's dissatisfaction with the characteristic coldness of the Unitarians, whom he almost despaired of raising to any devotional warmth. He told them they were "afraid of the fervors of devotion," and said to the Manchester congregation: "You do not want less cultivation, but more soul." He held that it is the "pure and transparent heart," rather than the "clear and acute intellect," which best discerns God. In a letter to a friend he wrote: "I am constrained to say that neither my intellectual preference nor my moral admiration goes heartily with the Unitarian heroes, or sects, or productions of any age. Ebionites, Arians, Socinians, all seem to me to contrast unfavorably with their opponents, and to exhibit a type of thought and character far less worthy, on the whole, of the true genius of Christianity. . . . In devotional literature and religious thought I find no Unitarian production that does not pale before Augustine, Tauler, and Pascal. And in the poetry of the Church it is the Latin or the German hymns, or the lines of Charles Wesley or of Keble, that fasten on my memory and heart, and make all else seem poor and cold. Intellectual accord with Servetus is as nothing compared with the response wrung from me by some of Luther's readings of St. Paul, and by his favorite book, the Theologia Germanica." In thanking Miss Winkworth for a copy of her translation of Tauler's sermons, he says: "I see at once that the book will be for the rest of my life one of my sacred guides; and will stand, after my Bible, with Plato and Leighton and Coleridge and Tennyson and the Wesley hymns. A strange jumble, you will say, of heterogeneous springs of thought; yet all, I think, assuaging to the same thirst"-a thirst for which Unitarian productions contain no living water. In the preface to the hymn book which he compiled he wrote: "For myself both conviction and feeling keep me close to the poetry and piety of Christendom. It is my native air, and in no other can I breathe; and wherever it passes, it so mellows the soil