his election, B. C. 65. All that the party of Catiline could accomplish was the election of Caius Antony, one of their accomplices, as colleague of Cicero. This failure, however, did not deprive Catiline of the hope of gaining the consulship the following year. For this purpose, he redoubled the measures of terror, by which he had laid the foundation of his power. Meanwhile, he had lost some of the most important members of his conspiracy. Antony had been prevailed upon or compelled by Cicero to remain neutral. Cæsar and Crassus had resolved to do the same. Piso had been killed in Spain. Italy, however, was destitute of troops. The veterans of Sylla only waited the signal to take up arms. This signal was now given by Catiline. The centurion Manlius appeared among them, and formed a camp in Etruria. Cicero was on the watch a fortunate accident disclosed to him the counsels of the conspirators. One of them, Curius, was on intimate terms with a woman of doubtful reputation, Fulvia by name, and had acquainted her with their plans. Through this woman, Cicero learnt that two knights had undertaken to assassinate him at his house. On the day which they had fixed for the execution of their plan, they found the doors barred and guarded. Still Cicero delayed to make public the circumstances of a conspiracy, the progress and resources of which he wished first to ascertain. He contented himself with warning his fellow-citizens, in general terms, of the impending danger. But when the insurrection of Manlius was made known, he procured the passage of the celebrated decree, that "the consuls should take care that the republic received no detriment." It was exceedingly difficult to seize the person of one who had soldiers at his command, both in and out of Rome; still more difficult would it be to prove his guilt before those who were accomplices with him, or, at least, were willing to make use of his plans to serve their own interest. He had to choose between two evils-a revolution within the city, or a civil war: he preferred the latter. Catiline had the boldness to take his seat in the senate, known as he was to be the enemy of the Roman state. Cicero then rose and delivered that bold oration against him, which was the means of saving Rome, by driving Catiline from the city. The conspirators who remained, Lentulus Sura, Cethegus, and other infamous senators, engaged to head the insurrection in Rome

as soon as Catiline appeared at the gates. According to Cicero and Sallust, it was the intention of the conspirators to set the city on fire, and massacre the inhabitants. At any rate, these horrid consequences might have easily followed from the circumstances of the case, without any previous resolution. Lentulus, Cethegus, and the other conspirators, in the meanwhile, were carrying on their criminal plots. They applied to the ambassa dors of the Allobroges to transfer the war to the frontiers of Italy itself. These, however, revealed the plot, and their disclosures led to others still more important. The correspondence of the conspirators with their leader was intercepted. The senate had now a notorious crime to punish. As the circumstances of the case did not allow of a minute observance of forms in the proceedings against the conspirators, the laws relating thereto were disregarded, as had been done in former instances of less pressing danger. Cæsar spoke against immediate execution, but Cicero and Cato prevailed. I'ive of the conspirators were put to death. Caius Antonius was then appointed to march against Catiline, but, on the pretext of ill health, gave the command to his lieutenant Petreius. He succeeded in enclosing Catiline, who, seeing no way of escape, resolved to die sword in hand. His followers imitated his example. The battle was fought with bitter desperation. The insurgents all fell on the spot which their leader had assigned them, and Catiline at their head, at Pistoia, in Etruria, 5th Jan., B. C. 62. The history of Catiline's conspiracy has been written by Sallust.

CATINAT, Nicholas, marshal of France, born at Paris, 1637, quitted the profession of the law for that of arms, after losing a cause by a decision which appeared to him evidently unjust. He entered the cavalry, attracted the notice of Louis XIV, at the storming of Lille (1667), and was promoted. By a number of splendid deeds, he gained the esteem and friendship of the great Condé, particularly by his conduct at the battle of Senef. He was sent as lieutenant-general against the duke of Savoy, gained the battles of Staffardo (Aug. 18, 1690) and of Marsaglia (Oct. 4, 1693), occupied Savoy and part of Piedmont, and was made marshal in 1693. In the conquered countries, his humanity and mildness often led him to spare the vanquished, contrary to the express commands of Louvois. In Flanders, he displayed the same activity, and took Ath, in 1697. In 1701, he received

the command of the army of Italy against prince Eugene; but he was straitened by the orders of his court, and was destitute of money and provisions, while Eugene was allowed to act with full liberty. July 6th, he was defeated at Carpi. Equally unfortunate was the battle of Chiari, where Villeroi had the chief command. It was here, while rallying his troops, after an unsuccessful charge, that he replied to an officer who represented to him that death was inevitable in such an encounter, "True, death is before us, but shame behind." In spite of his representations, the French court would not believe the disasters in Savoy to be owing to the perfidy of the duke of Savoy, and Catinat was disgraced. He bore his misfortune with calmness, and died at St. Gratien, in 1712. He was a true philosopher, religious without austerity, a courtier without intrigue, disinterested and generous when in favor, and cheerful in disgrace. From his unalterable calmness and consideration, his soldiers called him le Père de la Pensée.

CATO the Censor (Marcus Porcius), surnamed Priscus, also Sapiens and Major (the Wise and the Elder), born 232 B. C., at Tusculum, inherited from his father, a plebeian, a small estate, in the territory of the Sabines, which he cultivated with his own hands. He was a youth at the time of Hannibal's invasion of Italy. He served his first campaign, at the age of 17, under Fabius Maximus, when he besieged Capua. Five years after, he fought under the same commander at the siege of Tarentum. After the capture of this city, he became acquainted with the Pythagorean Nearchus, who initiated him into the sublime doctrines of his philosophy, with which, in practice, he was already conversant. After the war was ended, Cato returned to his farm. As he was versed in the laws, and a fluent speaker, he went, at day-break, to the neighboring towns, where he acted as counsellor and advocate to those who applied to him. Valerius Flaccus, a noble and powerful Roman, who had an estate in the vicinity, observed the talents and virtues of the youth, conceived an affection for him, and persuaded him to remove to Rome, where he promised to assist him with his influence and patronage. A few rich and high-born families then stood at the head of the republic. Cato was poor and unknown, but his eloquence, which some compared to that of Demosthenes, and the integrity and strength of his character, soon drew the public attention to

him. In court, and in the popular assemblies, he answered to the fine definition which he himself gave of an orator, and which Quinctilian has preserved to us; "a virtuous man skilled in the art of speaking well." At the age of 30, he went as military tribune to Sicily. In the following year, he was questor, at which period there commenced, between him and Scipio, a rivalry and hatred, which lasted till death. Cato, who had returned to Rome, accused Scipio of extravagance and, though his rival was acquitted of the charge, this zeal in the cause of the public gained Cato a great influence over the people. Five years after, having been already edile, he was chosen pretor, and obtained the province of Sardinia. His strict moderation, integrity and love of justice were here still more strongly displayed than in Rome. On this island, he formed an acquaintance with the poet Ennius, of whom he learnt Greek, and whom he took with him to Rome on his return. He was finally made consul, 193 B. C., with his friend Valerius Flaccus for his colleague. He opposed, with all his power, the abolition of the Oppian law, passed in the pressing times of the second Punic war, forbidding the Roman women to wear more than half an ounce of gold, to dress in garments of various colors, or to wear other ornaments; but he was obliged to yield to the eloquence of the tribune Valerius, and the urgent importunities of the women. Soon after, he set out for Spain, which was in a state of rebellion. His first act was to send back to Rome the supplies which had been provided for the army, declaring that the war ought to support the soldiers. He gained several victories with a newlyraised army, reduced the province to submission, and returned to Italy, where the honor of a triumph was granted to him. Scarcely had he descended from his triumphal car, when he put off the toga of the consul, arrayed himself in the soldier's habit, and followed Sempronius to Thrace. He afterwards put himself under the command of the consul Manius Acilius, to fight against Antiochus, and to carry on the war in Thessaly. By a bold march, he made himself master of the Callidromus, one of the highest peaks of the mountain pass of Thermopylæ, and thus decided the issue of the battle. He brought the intelligence of this victory to Rome, 189 B. C. Seven years after, he obtained, in spite of a powerful faction opposed to him, the most honorable, and at the same time the most feared, of all

the magistracies of Rome, the censorship. He had not canvassed for the office, but had only expressed his willingness to fill it. In compliance with his wishes, Valerius Flaccus was chosen his colleague, as the only person qualified to assist him in correcting the public disorders, and restoring the ancient purity of morals. He fulfilled this trust with inflexible rigor; and, though his measures caused him some obloquy and opposition, they met, in the end, with the highest applause; and, when he resigned his office, it was resolved to erect a statue to him with an honorable inscription. He appears to have been quite indifferent to the honor; and when, before this, some one expressed his wonder that no statue had been erected to him, he answered, "I would rather have it asked why no image has been erected to Cato than why one has." Still he was not void of self-complacency. "Is he a Cato, then ?" he was accustomed to say, when he would excuse the errors of another. Cato's political life was a continued warfare. He was continually accusing, and was himself accused with animosity, but was always acquitted. His last public commission was an embassy to Carthage, to settle the dispute between the Carthaginians and king Massinissa. It is said that this journey was the original cause of the destruction of Carthage; for Cato was so astonished at the rapid recovery of this city from its losses, that he ever after ended every speech of his with the well-known words, "Præterea censeo, Carthaginem esse delendam" (I am also of opinion that Carthage must be destroyed). He died a year after his return (147 B. C.), 85 years old. Cato, who was so frugal of the public revenues, was not indifferent to riches. He was rigorously severe towards his slaves, and considered them quite in the light of property. He made every exertion to promote and improve agriculture. In his old age, he gave himself up to the company of his friends and the pleasures of the table. To this the verses of Horace allude

Narratur et prisci Catonis
Sæpe mero caluisse virtus.

He was twice married, and had a son by each of his wives. His conduct as a hushand and a father was equally exemplary. He composed a multitude of works, of which the only one extant is that De Re Rustica. Those of which the loss is most to be regretted are his orations, which Cicero mentions in terms of the highest encomium, and his history of the origin

of the Roman people, which is frequently quoted by the old historians.

CATO, Marcus Porcius (called, to distinguish him from the censor, his great grandfather, Cato of Utica, the place of his death), was born 93 B. C., and, after the death of his parents, was brought up in the house of his uncle, Livius Drusus. He early discovered great maturity of judgment and firmness of character. It is related of him, that, in his 14th year, when he saw the heads of several proscribed persons in the house of Sylla, by whose orders they had been murdered, he demanded a sword of his teacher, to stab the tyrant, and free his country from servitude. With his brother by the mother's side, Cæpio, he lived in the tenderest friendship. Cato was chosen priest of Apollo. He formed an intimacy with the Stoic Antipater of Tyre, and ever remained true to the principles of the Stoic philosophy. His first appearance in public was against the tribunes of the people, who wished to pull down a basilica erected by the censor Cato, which was in their way. On this occasion, he displayed that powerful eloquence, which afterwards rendered him so formidable, and won the cause. He served his first campaign as a volunteer in the war against Spartacus, and distinguished himself so highly, that the pretor Gellius awarded him a prize, which he refused. He was sent as military tribune to Macedonia. When the term of his office had expired, he travelled into Asia, and carried the Stoic Athenodorus with him to Rome. He was next made questor, and executed his difficult trust with the strictest integrity, while he had the spirit to prosecute the public officers for their acts of extortion and violence. His conduct gained him the admiration and love of the Romans, so that, on the last day of his questorship, he was escorted to his house by the whole assembly of the people. The fame of his virtue spread far and wide. In the games of Flora, the dancers were not allowed to lay aside their garments as long as Cato was present. The troubles of the state did not permit him to remain in seclusion. The example of Sylla, in usurping supreme power, was followed by many ambitious men, whose mutual dissensions were all that saved the tottering constitution from immediate ruin. Crassus hoped to purchase the sovereignty with his gold; Pompey expected that it would be voluntarily conferred upon him; and Cæsar, superior to both in talent, united himself to both, and