all are to be consulted, it will not be possible to please all, as to the mode. If the Separatists (if any such there be) are to be consulted, there would be no prayer with, but, for, others. If the Independents and Presbyterians, perhaps, none but extemporaneous; if the Quakers, none 'till the Spirit should move some favoured member, and thus business be retarded, if not wholly suspended: if the infidel's conscience (pardon the expression) is to be consulted, no prayer at all.

3. We do not assert that it is indispensable to Christianity that it should be connected with the state; but we assert that it is indispensable to the well-being of a professedly Christian state, that it be united with some specific form of Christianity, that is, that it have a national church; religion may exist without a state, but a well-organized state cannot long exist without a church. It is granted, that that particular form of Christianity which is united with a state, will ever be exposed to temptations peculiarly strong, such as ambition, avarice, luxury, and consequent pride, apathy and indolence, unless the constitution of such church prevent the operation of these motives. Still, whatever be the order of that church, it will be greatly exposed to filthy lucre, &c. yet upon the whole, though it may be chargeable with indolence, it will probably be freer from doctrinal error than many of its dissenting sisters. It is not here meant that the civil state should have any authority either in ecclesiastical doctrine or discipline, but the very contrary; it is only asserted that a state may adopt any particular sect it chooses, as an engine of the moral and spiritual enlightenment and edification of its subjects; and that that form may unite with the state, in this blessed design, without forfeiting, in any respect, its holy character. No; the state has no power over the church. "My kingdom is not of this world," said Christ. It is a constitution sui generis, "emperium in emperio;" but while we vindicate the church's independence of the state, and Christ's supreme authority in it, we do conceive that the cause of truth is much promoted by an established church; and that the prosperity of vital religion amongst dissenters, is mainly attributable to Establishments. Not that their example has always been the best for imitation, but too frequently the contrary; yet the very defects of the Establishment have stimulated dissenters to zeal and purity; and again, the most salutary results have issued to Establishments from the re-action. And thus a happy counterpoise has been the result of these two co-ordinate moral powers, an Orthodox Establishment and a

wholesome dissent, the one acting as a guardian on the interests of the other, and the cause of vital religion supported by their mutual aid. This should lead the true friends of godliness to mutual forbearance and co-operation against the common enemy. For they who would mould all to one formal standard, as well in discipline as doctrine, and those who would have no conformity at all, but leave religion to its own resources amongst the freedom of dissent, err both, but in different extremes. The one would originate the motionless uniformity of death, having all the shape of muscle and symmetry of form, but wanting that vital action of the soul which alone can impart motion and expression: the other might have all the active vividness of life for a season, but after an over-wrought exertion, paralysis would ensue, and those once promising powers become motionless and cold. Dissent would not long retain life after the dissolution of Establishments, nor established churches continue in life and purity without dissent.

4. It becomes those who are really concerned for the spiritual interests of Zion, cautiously and calmly to weigh the opinions which many professed friends to religion are promulging, and who, "by good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple." They draw most flattering pictures of the happy and flourishing state of religion, if only the Establishments were pulled down; for truly we may say, 66 many walk of whom I now tell you, even weeping, that they are the enemies of the cross of Christ." Those who have tracked in its fearful cause the revolutionary spirit which circulated through the veins of frenzied France, from 1792-3, during the reign of terror, and for long before and after, will, by a little examination, trace but too many fatal traits of resemblance in the present aspect of our nation. Infidelity has put on the generous and deceptive name of Liberalism. Liberal is the order of the day. All the awful consequences deducible from their moral axiom, that "man is no more accountable for his religious belief, than he is for the hue of his skin, or the height of his stature," are but too manifest. It follows from this, that it matters not what religion a man is of, for he can be saved by any, or by all. Now these liberal souls are in possession of a treasury of charities, which utterly beggar the benevolence of Christ, for he says, "there is none other name given under heaven amongst men, whereby we must be saved, than the name of Jesus." But these dispensators of charity and mercy, say that every name or any name will do; nor do they exclude from the wide pale of their all

embracing system, the name of Mahomet, or of Brahama. These are the modern philosophers who are to regenerate the world by penny magazines and the light of heathen science. Such are the majority of those who cry, "down with the church." So subtle is this spirit of infidel liberalism, that its corroding breath has tainted the political constitution of many who have hitherto escaped its spiritual contagion, and who foolishly suppose that these unprincipled demagogues are co-operating with them for the welfare of Zion. What fellowship hath light with darkness? Let those dissenters who are re-echoing the whoop, "down with the church," take care. A breeze may kindle a fire that a hurricane will not be able to blow out, till they and those interests, doubtless dearest to their hearts, are enveloped in the conflagration. They may lend their fatal aid to the lever, now in full play, to spring the key-stone of that -moral arch which forms the buttress of our national existence, and they may succeed; but if the arch must fall, they and their privileges may be entombed beneath its ruins.

S. T. C. D.

THE SABBATH.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE ORTHODOX PRESBYTERIAN. SIR, Ir must be a pleasing consideration to every wellwisher to the interests of religion, to see the vigorous efforts made at the present day to stem the torrent of impiety which flows from the profanation of the Sabbath. The numerous petitions forwarded to Parliament from different sections of the Christian church, powerfully attest the unanimity of sentiment that prevails, with regard to the magnitude of the evil complained of. In a measure, however, involving so many particulars, I conceive it to be the duty of every one who feels an interest in its success, to point out to the legislature the various abuses that require to be rectified, and suggest what may appear the most prudent means for accomplishing the end intended. Acting upon this principle, I would wish, through the medium of your respectable Periodical, to direct the attention of the Presbyterians of Ulster to two kinds of Sabbath profanation that ought not to be overlooked in their petition to Parliament.

First. The unchristian practices enjoined upon many connected with the post-office establishment. There are, in Ireland, about four hundred post-offices, exclusive of penny posts,

receiving houses, &c. &c. In each of these, except for a short time in the middle of the day, it is absolutely necessary that some one attend on Sabbath-days, to answer the calls of those who may apply for letters. Now, Sir, can these individuals be considered as doing that which is required in the fourth commandment? Though ever so well inclined to fulfil the duties which the law of God has rendered incumbent upon them, can they give themselves wholly to his service, and yet discharge the duties of the office entrusted to their care? It is to be feared also, that too many, having closed their offices during the hours of public worship, apply this act as a kind of salve to their consciences, though, in reality, it is little better than attempting to "partake of the Lord's table and the table of devils."

This, however, is only a part of the evil connected with this description of Sabbath profanation-the carrying of his Majesty's mail on the Lord's day is too glaring a departure from genuine Christian principle to be passed over unnoticed. It is a grievous matter to witness this open and legalized profanation of the Sabbath; and it has often occurred to me as a strange circumstance, that in a nation professedly Christian, such a monstrous anomaly should have been so long tolerated. In those instances, and they are now numerous, where the mail is carried by coaches, it frequently operates as an express command, to a number of individuals in every such establishment, not to keep the Sabbath-day holy.

How can this evil be remedied? many will be ready to inquire. In a mercantile nation, it may be urged, it is absolutely necessary that every facility be afforded for the transmission of letters; consequently, were the legislature to act upon the principle here laid down, the commercial interests of the country would be materially injured. But, Mr. Editor, are there just grounds for such apprehensions? I imagine that they are altogether fallacious. Were it once clearly understood that no letters might be expected on the Sabbath-day, the consequence would be, that no disappointment would be experienced the writer, aware that his letter, in travelling to the office where it was to be delivered, must rest on the Sabbath-day, would make his calculations accordingly; and the person written to, aware of the same fact, could not be disappointed, knowing that the communication of his correspondent could not possibly arrive sooner. The Sabbath would thus, in mercantile affairs, be blotted out of the calendar, and the man of business obliged to confine his hopes of gain to the six days appointed for labour.

But even upon the supposition, that some inconvenience were to arise from a legislative enactment to this effect, it ought, I think, to be cheerfully submitted to rather than violate a positive command of God. The express declaration of the Eternal Jehovah is, "REMEMBER THE SABBATH-DAY TO KEEP IT HOLY ;" and surely we will not presume to say that the sanction of any earthly government can make that morally right which the law of God has declared to be monally wrong. Though merchants should complain that they were injured by the adoption of such measures, what is all their wealth when compared with the value of the immortal soul? To further the interests of time, are we to tamper with eternity? To enable some to acquire the good things of this life, are we to sport with the eternal destinies of others? One cause why the Jews of old were visited wish those calamities which issued in their captivity, was a neglect of the proper observ ance of the Sabbath; neither need we suppose that, even in a worldly point of view, we will be a prosperous and happy people, if, as a nation, we continue to sanction such violations of the Sabbath-day. The sentiment may be termed puritanical, but it is not the less true, that so long as we, even in a legalized form, profane that day which the Lord blessed and sanctified, we need not think it strange that our land is visited by the pestilence, and our public prints filled with mournful records of the distresses of the mercantile and agricultural classes of the community.

The other particular to which I would wish to direct the attention of your readers, especially those who are about to send forward petitions to parliament, is the present state of the excise laws, in as far as they respect distilleries. Having made minute inquiry concerning the duties incumbent upon excise officers on the Sabbath, I find that they are obliged to make their surveys on that day, as well as on the other days of the week. But it might be alleged, that all this is necessary to protect the interests of the revenue, and that the omitting to make such surveys would be holding out a kind of inducement to the trader to engage in illicit practices. As I cannot pretend, from personal observation or actual experience, to enter into the merits of the case in replying to such allegations, I will, in my own language, give you the sentiments of a variety of officers with whom I have conversed on this subject. They have informed me that no possible advantage could be taken by the trader, though no survey were to be made on the Sabbath, every vessel, &c. &c. having been locked up and sealed the preceding evening, consequently that the duties of