fentence, that, when properly read and understood, betrays the Writer to have had any fufpicion, that Jefus was the Meffiah, or even a Teacher fent from God. On the other hand, fome expreffions, he fays, plainly imply him to have been perfuaded of the contrary; and the whole, taken together, seems to be the compofition of a perfon, perfectly fatisfied, that the Christian scheme could not be true: aftonished, however, at some amazing appearances in its favour, but artfully evading the force of them, avoiding to enter into the merits of the affair, and yet affecting to give a feemingly plaufible account of its original.

A fhort view of the whole paragraph, he fays, will beft illuftrate and confirm what he advances: it may be fairly rendered, he thinks, in the following manner. But about this time appears one Jefus, a man of great abilities, if indeed. he may be properly ftiled a mere man. For he was a worker of wonders, a teacher of people, who embraced his new and extraordinary doctrines with eagerness. And he led away many, not only of the Jews, but also of the Gentiles after him. This was the perfon fo well known by the name of Christ. And though Pilate, upon the impeachment brought by the principal perfons of our nation against him, caused him to be crucified, they who had before entertained an affection for him, did not defift. For he appeared to them to be alive again on the third day; their own preachers at least having reported both these and numberlefs other wonderful things concerning him. And the fect of the Chriftians, who received their denomination from this perfon, are not extinct even to this day.

Dr. Lardner makes fome very pertinent obfervations on this new turn given to the paffage in queftion, and on what the Author of the Differtation farther advances in fupport of his opinion, and then proceeds to confider fome objections contained in a letter received from a learned friend, who espouses the fame fide of the queftion with the Author of the Differtation. After this, he fums up the whole argument with fome additional remarks, and concludes with obferving, that it is the wisdom and the intereft of Chriftians to adhere to, and improve the genuine works of Jofephus, inftead of endeavouring to vindicate paffages, which are fo juftly fufpected to be interpolations.

We now proceed to the work itself, in the first chapter of which, we have a very full and particular account of Pliny's letter to Trajan, and Trajan's refcript, with notes, obfervations, and the opinions of feveral learned men concerning them. Some have aggravated the feverity of Trajan, others have extolled his moderation beyond meafure; Dr. Lardner reprefents his character and that of Pliny with great freedom and impartiality; feems to take pleasure in difplaying the amiable part of

their character, and to cenfure what was wrong in their con duct with tenderness and reluctance.

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Towards the conclufion of this long chapter, we have the following general remarks, 1. Thefe epiftles, are justly efteemed by learned men, as very valuable. They are the only authentic accounts of the perfecution in Pontus and Bithynia, which we have. Indeed thofe epiftles have been referred to by Tertullian, and Eufebius, and other later writers. But, we have no hiftory of it by any Chriftian writer, who lived at that time. Whence this has come to pafs, cannot be certainly faid. We may regret it, but we cannot help it, and should acquiefce, and improve what we have, as well as we can.

2. We fee here one ground of offence against Christians. They drew men off from the worship of the Heathen deities. Their temples were not so much frequented, as formerly. The Priefts, and all who had a dependence upon the temples, the facrificers, the ftatuaries, the painters, the engravers, and others, were deprived of their wonted gain. This must have made the Chriftians many fierce enemies in all parts. An early inftance of this kind is recorded by St. Luke, Acts. xix. 23.

41.

3. Here is a remarkable evidence of the great progrefs of the Chriftian religion in a fhort fpace. There never was any fuch thing as Chriftianity heard of in the world, before the reign of Tiberius. It was not fourfcore years, fince the crucifixion of Jefus, when Pliny wrote this letter, nor seventy years, fince the difciples of Jefus began to make any mention of him to Gentiles. And yet there were at this time great numbers of men, whom Pliny once and again plainly calls Chriftians, in that part of Afia, where he prefided, at a great distance from Judea. Chriftians there were every where, throughout the whole extent of his province, in cities, in villages, and in the open country. There were perfons of all ages, of every rank and condition, and of each fex, and fome Roman citizens, who had embraced this principle. They abounded so much in thofe parts, that there was a vifible defertion of the temples. Beafts, brought to market for victims, had few purchafers. The an nual facred folemnities were much neglected. So many were accused, and were in danger of fuffering upon account of the prevalence of this opinion, as gave the Prefident no small

concern.

• Moreover, there were not only many at this time, who bore that name: but there had been fuch people there a good while fome feveral years before: and one, or more, brought before Pliny, had profeffed Chriftianity and forfaken it, twenty years before. By which we are affured, that there were Chriftians here before the year of our Lord ninety, and within REV. Jan. 1766.

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fixty

fixty years after the crucifixion of Jefus. And indeed the great number of Chriftians found in this country by Pliny affords good reafon to believe, that Chriftianity had been planted there many years before his arrival, Such an increase must have been the

work of time.

• I do not fay, nor think, that the Chriftians were the majority of the people in Pontus and Bithynia. But I fuppofe we may conclude from what Pliny writes, that there were then many Chriftians in every part of thofe countries.

4. They who were called Chriftians, were very refolute, and steady in this profeffion. Which must have been owing to fome caule or other. Jefus had been crucified, as a malefactor. And yet there were great numbers of men, who had a great refpect for him, and could not by any means be compelled, as Pliny was affured, to fpeak ill of him. And this Governor found those informations, which had been given him, to be true. For there were men brought before him, who, when he interrogated them, whether they were Chriftians, confeffed they were. And though threatened by him with death, they perfevered in that confeffion, and therefore were by him ordered away for execution.

It is reasonable to think, that this was owing to fome authentic informations, which they had received concerning Jefus, and his exemplary life, and excellent doctrine, confirmed by miraculous works, and a full perfuafion of the truth of them, as alfo of his refurrection from the dead, and his exaltation to power and dominion after his crucifixion.

It could not well be owing to any thing, but fuch evidences of these things, as are contained in the books of the New Teftament. What elfe could have induced fo many men to take upon them the name of Chrift, and profefs themselves to be his followers? though all men knew, he had fuffered an ignominious death? They lived near enough to the time of Jefus, to know, whether there had been any extraordinary appearances in his favour, during his abode on this earth, at his death, and after it. Without credible information of fome fuch things, it is unaccountable, that any number of men fhould take upon them this profeffion, and perfevere in it, notwithstanding the many difficulties, to which they were expofed...

If it fhould be faid, they were not all conftant: there were fome, who abandoned this profeffion. It is allowed. Some fuch there were. But they feem to have been but few, in comparison of those who perfevered. For Pliny faw, that great numbers of all forts of people were expofed to danger. Befides, the conftance of a few, in fuch a cafe as this, is of more weight than the inconftance of many. There were many

9

temptations

temptations to renounce this profeffion, even contrary to conviction. But there were no worldly inducements of any kind, to perfift in it. Unfteadiness might be owing to worldly confiderations: perfeverance could be owing to nothing, but a firm perfuafion of the truth.

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5. We are here affured of divers important things concerning the religious belief and worship of the first Christians, in which they agree with the principles and precepts delivered in the New Testament.

1.) They difowned all the gods of the Heathens. They would not worship the images of the Emperors, or of their Gods. The people who embraced this religion, forfook the Heathen temples and altars, and offered there no factifices.

2.) They met together on a stated day, undoubtedly mean ' ing Sunday, or the Lord's day, on which Jefus Chrift our Saviour rofe from the dead. And we are affured by Juftin Martyr, in his Apology, writ not very many years after this time, that this was the practice of all Chriftians in general.

3.) When they were affembled, as Pliny fays, they fang a hymn to Chrift, as a God. And also engaged themselves, as by an eath, not to commit theft, or robbery, or adultery, never to falfify their word, or betray any truft committed to them.

"Which account is much to the honour of thefe Chriftians. Their religion did not lie in abftrufe fpeculations, or numerous rites and ceremonies, but in the worship of the one God, through Jefus Chrift, and the practice of moral virtue.

4.) The Chriftians in Pontus and Bithynia had love-feafts, or Agapai, as they are alfo fometimes called. Many other Chriftians had the like, as we learn from Tertullian. Those of the Chriftians in Bithynia were not held at the fame time with their more folemn worfhip, but afterwards. And for avoiding offence they had omitted them.

5.) They alfo had church-officers. Pliny exprefsly mentions two women, who were Minifters, or Deaconnefes, whom he alfo calls maid fervants. But, as before hinted, he might be mistaken about their condition.

Whence it came to pafs, that he has mentioned no other officers among the Chriftians, fuch as Bifhops, or Prefidents, or Elders, or Deacons, cannot be faid. But it may be allowed, that the perfons pitched upon by him, to be examined by torture, were as likely as any to answer his purpose, of obtaining a knowlege of their fecret practices, if the Chriftians had any fuch among them.

6. We are here affured of the innocence and virtue of the Arft Chriftians. Both thefe epiftles, that of Pliny, and that of Trajan, bear teftimony to their innocence, in their folemn worthip, in their meal, fome time afterwards, and in their

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whole

whole lives. There was not any crime, befide that of their religion, proved against any of those that were brought before Pliny. Even their accufers and profecutors appear not to have alleged any thing elfe against them, but that they were Chriftians. He examined deferters. He put to the torture two women, who were minifters, or deaconneffes. And yet he difcovered nothing but what was quite harmless. The only charge against them is, an abfurd fuperftition, and obftinacy therein.

Trajan's refcript affords as strong proof of the innocence of these men. He knew not of any offence they were guilty of, excepting only, their not fupplicating to the Gods. He forbids inquiries to be made after them. And he allows pardon to those who would give proof, of their renouncing Christianity, by a public act of worship paid to the Gods, then generally received.

we may

The honesty and innocence of these men, oblige us to pay a great regard to their belief and profeffion of the Chriftian religion. If they were fober and difcreet, before they embraced it, hence argue, that there were then fuch evidences of its truth, as approved themselves to ferious perfons. If they are fuppofed to have been in fore time vicious and irregular, here is a ftrong proof of the truth and goodness of Chriftianity, in that it had fo great an influence on mens minds at a time when they might eafily know, whether it was well grounded or not. Either way, it is an honour to these principles, that they who embraced them, maintained fuch innocence in their lives, that their enemies, by the ftricteft inquiries, could difcover nothing criminal in them.

7. At the fame time, that thefe Chriftians appear refolute in their adherence to Chrift, and his doctrine, and will by no means be compelled to give religious worship to the Emperors, or the Heathen Deities, they pay due obedience to the orders of the civil magiftrate. Their evening-meeting for partaking together in a common meal, was not a facred ordinance of the Chriftian inftitution. When therefore Pliny published an edict forbidding affemblies, which was often done by the Roman Governois of provinces, because of the licentious practices, which ufually attended them, thefe Chriftians forbore thofe meetings, though they had not been used to commit any disorders in them.'

'

In the fecond chapter of this volume, (the tenth of the Collection) we have an account of Epictetus the Stoic Philofopher. Epictetus,' fays our Author, was not unattentive to things that paffed in the world about him, in his own time: as all must be fenfible, who read his difcourfes. Nevertheless the Chriftians are not mentioned at all, or very feldom.

It is

hard