"The second popular objection against an Union, is that "the English and Scotch Members, in this fuppofed united Par"liament, being fo many more in number than the Irish, the "majority would confpire against the minority, and out-vote them "on all occafions of competition: fo that Ireland would be oppreffed instead of being benefited.

Strange delufion! which takes these things for granted, "that are both improbable in theory, and impracticable in "fact. The fuppofition is utterly improbable, that an "Union should ever take place, without fuch Preliminaries "being fettled, as would prevent either of the contracting parties from having the power to lay a greater burden of "taxes, or to put more restraints on trade, or to curtail any " of the liberties of the other party, beyond what the arti"cles of Union fhall authorize. An infraction of the terms

"diffolves the Union ipfo facto, and restores the injured country to its former ftate of independence.

"The like confpiracy is equally impracticable in fact, be"cause where there is no clafhing of intereft, there can be "no competition either for power* or profit. Thus, for "example,

Such are the advantages on the Linen Trade: let us now fee what are the advantages on the general Trade between the two Countries.

In the year 1795 the Irish Im

ports, into the Port of Lon

don, amounted to

British Manufacture exported

from thence to Ireland

Balance of Trade in favour of

Ireland from only one Port

£. 2,209,501 3 4

168,687 18

2,040,813 5 I

N. B. The balance at Liverpool, where the Linens are chiefly imported, must be immenfe.

*The principle of this argument applies with no fmall force to the Internal Parties of Ireland, in favor of an Incorporative Union.

"example, when Ireland shall be fo united, as to form one "country with England, the power of the one will equally "become the power of the other. No man confiders the "ftrength of Yorkshire, as in any degree feparate from, or " oppofed to that of Devonshire and Cornwall; though they "are much farther diftant from each other, than England "and Ireland. For they both must stand, or fall, or rife "together. And the cafe of Scotland affords a still stronger "illuftration.

"As to profit, or intereft, the fame ideas must recur."For, properly fpeaking, no competition of interefts can "have any effect on the Legislature, to make partial laws "on either fide;-it being evident, that each country, and "each part of the island muft enjoy their own peculiar ad"vantages, natural, or artificial, without let or moleftation. "At this inftant, Yorkshire is getting the cloathing trade "from the West of England, by means of its fuperior fruga"lity, œconomy, mechanic fkill, and industry. And what "will be the confequence? Plainly this, that the West must "adopt the like measures and police with the North, or de❝fervedly fuffer for their folly. But according to the notion "here broached, another mode might be adopted. York

fhire returns only thirty Members to Parliament; whereas "the feveral counties of Gloucester, Wilts, Dorfet, and So"merfet, much of the fame extent with Yorkshire, and all "united in one common monopolizing cause against it, re"turn no less than eighty Members. Therefore poor York"fhire ought to be in a terrible fright, left this vast majority " in the House of Commons shall enact restraining, or prohibitory laws to crush the trade of the North, in order to "favour the manufactures of the West?

"No: Yorkshire is in no fright: and entertains no fuch "" apprehenfions: nor even Scotland: notwithstanding this ❝ latter

"latter hath not a twelfth part or share in the Legislature of "Britain. Yet all parts are fafe, and will ever fo remain: "for it is not in the power of the majority to hurt the mino"rity in these refpects. Such a scheme would defeat itself.

"The last objection, and perhaps the most popular of any "in the ftreets of Dublin, is, that were the Parliament in "Ireland to be removed to England, the money now spent in "Dublin would be loft to that country, and gained to this.

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"Now this objection is built on a vulgar notion, which is entirely false, that money is riches. Whereas industry and frugality are the two riches of a state and money only the fign of them. Nay, if money becomes the fign of riches ❝ in one sense, it may be an indication of poverty in another. "For the circulation of gold and filver, or the transferring "of thefe metals from hand to hand, is no otherwise useful "to a state, than as it promotes the circulation of labour and σε industry. Wherever it is not productive of this good effect, "the greatest quantity of gold and filver is fo far from being "beneficial to the community, that it is the greatest detriThe Spaniards have experienced this to their coft. "History tells us, there was a time when Spain was full of "industry and manufactures. But when a Mode was intro"duced of getting money without labour, by means of the "mines of Mexico and Peru, and by plundering and seizing "on the wealth of the defenceless Moors, and Jews, the "looms and all the apparatuffes for carrying on extensive "manufactures were laid aside: and Spain foon became one of "the poorest, and worst cultivated countries in the western "world."

❝ment.

But there are striking inftances of this important truth,that money is not riches, within our own experience. For, whereever money is idly spent, the people are uniformly poor.Amidst all the fplendor and brilliant extravagance of Ver

failles,

failles, how relatively poor were its inhabitants to those in commercial parts! Reflect alfo upon the Sovereign refidences in Italy look to Vienna, and Berlin: examine the poverty in Drefden where the rich Saxon Elector holds his Court: What does the wealth of the Sovereign and Nobles of the two Electorates produce at Munich! Pafs to the refidence of the inferior Sovereigns, where fplendor and diffipation predominate, and mark the effects! The feat of all prosperous manufactures, over the universe, is removed from the haunt of diffipation. Now pafs into Britain: and obferve what immense fums are spent weekly in drefs, pursuits of pleasure, prodigality, luxury of table, horfes, fervants, gaming, &c. at Bath, by perhaps an average of 20,000 ftrangers, befides refidents, in the season. And are the people of Bath rich? Has any manufacture sprung up there amidst this fplendid extravagance :-or what man would think of entering on fuch† an undertaking? Yet nature feems to have destined this as a feat for manufacture: it has directed here a river in its course; whofe banks are peculiarly adapted to the erection of mills ; whose streams are never exhaufted, but form a communication with the second trading town in the British Empire.— And if Riches could accelerate fuccefs, here is money, and votaries of pleasure in crowds, to purchase the neceffaries of vanity and oftentation. But there is notwithstanding no manufacture here, because here no manufacture would profper. Throughout all the island, at all the places of pleasurable re

fort

* Before diffipation was fo great or univerfal in Dublin, the Manufactures in that Quarter called the Liberty were extremely flourishing. But at this day what a scene does it present ?

† On this principle the Citizens of London interfered against the Royalty Theatre being opened for Dramatic exhibitions. The whole town of Manchester fome time fince, had not a fingle family within its walls, that were not the children of trade and occupation.

fort and diffipation, much money circulates, but the inhabitants remain poor." "Indeed, even Ireland can afford a "confirmation of this important truth. For wherever mo"ney is idly spent, as it always is in fupporting horse-races, "promoting amusements and diverfions, &c. &c. the peo

ple of fuch places are always poor, on that account, and "never can thrive effectually, till thefe temptations are re"moved out of their way.

"But ftill it will be urged that during a Parliament"Winter, great fums are fpent in Dublin, by the nobility "and gentry of Ireland, which would have been carried "out of the kingdom, were the Parliament removed.

Granted; that a part but not the whole of this would be transferred. But if the whole were transferred, it would be the removal of a detriment: for inafmuch as diffipation withers, manufactures muft grow up: and further, as the Union produces fecurity and repofe, commerce muft extend; and confequently its advantages infinitely counterbalance all apparent loffes: they in reality would prove gains.

"Befide great fums were once expended in Edinburgh, "when the Court was kept, and the Parliament held in "that metropolis. And what was the confequence ?—"Edinburgh was then a very poor place; but it is now a "s great and wealthy city. Its trade and commerce, mer"chants and manufacturers are in a more thriving state than ever they were during the time it was made the feat of

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government and legislation. Whereas now its buildings "are not only more extended, but also are grand and ele"gant. Therefore it may be fairly afked, how is it that "fuch great alterations have been brought to pafs? Plainly ❝ thus:

Compare the wealth of the inhabitants of Bath to that of the Bristol merchants: yet Bath has had an infinitely longer run in its trade of diffipation, than Bristol in its commerce.