and execution mafterly. Undoubtedly they will be fo-how could the scheme hope for fuccefs or completion, but through the medium of liberality. It is not by fhewing the defects, and having them boldly projec ing from the canvafs, and ftriking the eye of every beholder, that they could expect to receive your concurrence. No; its plaufibility will be the means of your feduction, and an inftrument of your fubjugation. It has, however, been faid, do not prejudge the queftion fee its merits and imperfecti ons fairly and fully before you, and do not let decifion be the forerunner of debate the conclufion preceding the beginning. To this objection I anfwer, that every per fon who has confidered the relative fituation of both countries, muft know, in the abstract, what benefits, landed, commercial, or conftitutional, England has to give, and what equivalent facrifices Ireland, in return, must make. This enquiry wants no profundity, or deep refearch, but is ftriking and obvious to the moft fuperficial reafoner. Could it for a moment be fuppofed, that England would gratuitoufy and unfolicited confer on us unrequited obligations. No; the whole tenor of her conduct has B 2 been been otherwise exactly and diametrically opposite. Suppofe, for a moment, an Union of the Legislatures to be carried into effect-and fhould the terms turn out to be beneficial to Ireland-there is no fecurity whatever for their being kept inviolate.* The faith of nations is little to be depended on—all hiftory fhews them to be, in their conduct, uniformly selfish. Should the articles be found prejudicial to Ireland, there is no poffible redress; they are immutable and irrevocable, like the laws of the Medes and Persians, and it will be with her national character as with female virtue Ruin enfues reproach and endless shame, But a reason is offered in favour of an Union, that it will tranquillize Ireland— and that repofe may be expected from a clofer connection with a great and powerful country-I ask did it fettle Scotland. Since the incorporation of the two kingdoms there were two rebellions, and a third had nearly * Vide the inftances of the Malt tax, law of High Treafon, and Peerage. nearly last year taken place, but for the feasonable and fortunate removal of Muir and Palmer, who did not get fufficient time, to completely and finally organize Scotland; or even so would you, on account of a temporary disorder, (which I truft ours only is) adopt so desperate, violent and corrofive a remedy, which undermining the frame, would cure its ills only by effecting its utter deftruction; but see how is it likely to pacify Ireland-is it by drawing out of the country men of the firft rank and eftimation in the kingdom; who poffefs cultivated taftes, elegant and claffical refinements-in fhort have the manners to polish, the difpofition to civilize, and the heart to ameliorate the condition of the people, and are certainly most interested in the peace, civilization, and profperity of it. Man is an imitative animal, the virtues as well as vices are contageous; withdraw these models and there is nothing left to influence by example, or deter by fhame. It has been said, English property will be then induced to come and fettle here and introduce manufactures; did it fo? when provifions and labour were much cheaper than at at prefent, and the country more tranquil. But it may be demanded, what proportionate return do we make England for all the advantages we derive from her affiftance and protection. I fay, in reply, we afforded protection to her, perhaps, at the time, with more friendship than policy. We lent her our troops, and paid them to carry on a war against a country, in which we were by no means concerned. We followed her fortune, without partaking in her deliberations, fought her battles without (haring the honours of her victories, or deriving any advantages from the fplendour of her conquests. I wish for the clofeft connection, stricteft amity, moft perfect community, and identity of intereft, between the fifter kingdoms; And with respect to foreign powers and treaties, they should always act as one State, but to facrifice our domeftic to an imperial Parliament, I will fay, in the words of a great ftatesman," is neither the price I would give, nor think I would purchase." I think an Union would endanger the liberty of England as well as Ireland, if united. united. Our Representatives would be a venal body, having difregarded the independence of their own Conftitution, they would bestow little folicitude on the concerns of either, their own, or any other nation, and would, (to indemnify themselves for the expences which a London refidence and neglect of private affairs would require) become the uniform appendage (as is the cafe of Scotland) of every Minister, and by fuch increase of influence destroy the equipoife of the Conftitution, and probably make Ireland a complete Catholic country, lofing the prefence of her principal nobility and Proteftant gentry, whose children would conftantly receive English educations, and prejudices, which claffes of inhabitants with the number of their relations and expectants whom they would attract, befides the phalanx which the vortex of a court always abforbs, would on the one hand, fo much diminish the Proteftant inhabitants, as to leave to the Catholic an uncontrouled and uncountroulable fuperiority. The circumftance of diverfity of religious persuasions existing between sifter countries must excite jealoufies-much eftrange and alienate their affections, inftead of |