so far was that country from having been in a state of defence, and so far from there being any force waiting from Monsieur Hoche (or Monster Hoche, according to the very liberal expression of the Irish chancellor), that the French remained several days in Bantry Bay. It was a fortunate event for Ireland, as well as for this country, that they did not land. They had been very near coming to a right anchorage; and if they had, they might have landed and proceeded to Cork immediately. After an instance of such deplorable neglect, the house ought not, upon the assertion of the minister, to conclude that this country was perfectly secure. There ought to have been a communication between the heads of the naval and military departments, in order that their joint efforts should be combined to protect the country; but it did not appear that any such communication had taken place. For these reasons he would support the motion.

Mr. Dundas moved an adjournment, which was carried.

MARCH 31.

ADVANCES TO THE EMPEROR.

MR. SHERIDAN said, he was extremely anxious to know when there was a probability of a report from the secret committee; because, if it was to be made soon, it would save him the trouble of moving for some information, which would be necessary, in the motion he intended to make upon the propriety of sending more money to the emperor. In the returns before the house, of the advances already made, there appeared the sum of £500,000, which had been ordered by parliament; and there also appeared an advance, since the stoppages at the bank, of £220,000, upon what appeared to him very strange security. There was, in the first place, the receipt of the agent, and the assurance of the imperial envoy, that it should be repaid out of any loan that might in future be advanced to the emperor. From this circumstar ce it appeared probable that another loan was in contemplation. He could not avoid making an observation upon the nature of the security it was precisely the same as if a man had borrowed ten guineas, and, when asked for payment, replied, "If you will lend me twenty guineas more, I will pay you the ten." He hoped that the right hon. gentleman op

posite to him would meet this question fully; for he must have made up his mind upon the question, whether or no any farther advances were to be made to the emperor. If the right hon. gentleman would meet him fairly upon that point, he should bring forward his motion on Tuesday; otherwise there were several papers which would be material for his motion. He therefore moved, "That there be laid before the house copies of the representations made to government by the directors of the Bank of England, with respect to the advances to the emperor since the 1st of January, 1795."

Mr. Pitt replied.

Mr. Sheridan said, that the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt) had answered his questions very fairly. He hoped, when the discussion came on, he should not then be told that the time was not fit; but that it would be argued on its real merits.

Mr. Sheridan's motion was not persisted in.

APRIL 3.

ADVANCES FROM THE BANK TO GOVERNMENT.

MR. SHERIDAN moved, "That there be laid before the house a copy of all communications that have taken place between the directors of the Bank of England and the chancellor of the exchequer, upon the advances that have been made to government since the 1st of November, 1794, exclusive of the papers that have been laid before the house this day."

Agreed to.

APRIL 4.

ADVANCES TO THE EMPEROR.

MR. SHERIDAN rose, in pursuance of his notice, to call the attention of the house to the subject of making any farther advances to the emperor, and proceeded to the following effect:

It is unnecessary for me to say anything upon the importance of the subject which stands for discussion this day I must, however, observe that such discussion must be attended with some embarrassment: I have before me but a choice of difficulties; for, as it is important that the discussion which I bring forward should take place as early as possible, so it is also desirable that the decision of the house should be grounded on

proper information. I believe there never was a subject brought before parliament which excited more anxiety in the public mind, or to which the nation looked with more impatience, than they do at this hour, for the decision of this house with respect to a future loan to the emperor. It is a point which, in my opinion, involves the question-whether they are to be saved or ruined? And it is to his Imperial Majesty himself highly important to know, as speedily as possible, and before he commences the most important campaign that was, perhaps, ever opened in Europe, what is the determination of this house upon the subject of sending money out of this country at this awful moment. It is essential for the people of this country to know what is to be taken from them, and essential for his Imperial Majesty to know upon what he is to rely. In discussing this momentous question, I am ready to admit that, whatever I may think of the necessity, or the prudence, of advances that have been already made by us to foreign powers, we should at all events keep good faith; and, therefore, it is highly important, indeed essential, to our welfare, that we consider duly before we encourage a hope in the emperor that he is to have any aid from us, in the future prosecution of this war. With this view of the subject, I moved for certain accounts, from which the house might collect information, and such as I took to be essential to the subject in discussion. To that motion there ought to have been made a return very different from that small scratch which is exhibited on the paper now before us, and which I took into my hand just as I came into the house. I was in hopes, when I made the motion yesterday, and I took pains to explain it to a right hon. gentleman before the rising of the house, that the whole of the information I wanted, and which my motion called for, would have been laid before the house to-day; but I understood there was much difficulty in complying with the whole request; and that great embarrassment would arise from that compliance, on account of many of the papers which I wanted being before a committee now engaged in an important inquiry, who could not deliver copies of them consistently with the secrecy which it is at present a part of their duty to observe. I determined not to press any farther now for these papers. Under these circumstances, I feel that I come forward under great disadvantages: the information upon which I must proceed is extremely imperfect. Had we the whole

before us, I should feel it my duty to call upon the house to declare, that no more money should be sent to the emperor: indeed, if the information were complete, I think the house would see, that sending any more money from this country, at this moment, would be out of the question. What I chiefly wish for, and what I lament is not before us, is the whole of the correspondence between the chancellor of the exchequer and the bank directors, since the year 1794, upon the subject of sending money to the emperor. If the right hon. gentleman wishes to come to a free discussion of the question,-whether it be essential to the true interests of this country that farther advances should be made to the emperor at this moment, under all the circumstances by which we are surrounded, whatever may have been the opinion of the bank directors, and without entering into any calculations that have been made by them respecting the trade and commerce of this country,—I shall be ready to argue the subject with him in that way; and I shall not desire the opinion of the bank directors. I think the subject may be now discussed without their opinions, as far as the motion with which I shall conclude will call for that discussion. Had I waited, I might have had the whole of the opinions which have been given from time to time by the bank directors, upon the subject of advances to the chancellor of the exchequer; but I did not see the absolute necessity for doing so. Some may say, it is premature to inquire into the question of prudence in advancing more money to the emperor, before we have had a complete investigation of the causes which led to the order in council, by which the bank were directed to stop payment. That appears to me to be very unwise counsel; for by it you may be led to defer the remedy until it is too late. It may be said, that you should not apply your remedy until you know the cause of the disorder; that, I own, is, figuratively, very correct; but if you attempt to carry it into practice, it may be fatal to the patient. If a physician were to order that neither a bandage nor a styptic should be applied to a bleeding wound until he had discovered the cause of the complaint, his patient would stand in danger of dying before the remedy could be applied by this deliberate and methodical physician; or, if the Humane Society were to order that no person should be attempted to be brought to active life, from a state of suspended animation, until the coroner's inquest had sat upon the body, and

brought in their verdict, "Felo de se-death by the visitation of Providence-accidental death-or murder by some persons unknown,"-I apprehend their efforts would not be very useful. Here we are, I admit it, in a state of suspended animation; or, if we are assassinated, it is by persons who are much too well known. Having made these preliminary observations, I shall now proceed upon the more immediate points of the subject which it is the business of the house to investigate this day.

A worthy baronet (Sir William Pulteney) has given his opinion upon part of this subject before. I have already said, that I differed from that opinion. It is not necessary now to recite that opinion, nor to enter at large into that which coustitutes the difference between us. I hope that public credit will be revived, and that in the person of the Bank of England. I am also confident, that whether you endeavour to establish a bank upon the faith of the landed property of this country, or whether you try any other means, that no such attempts should be made until you are entirely satisfied that public credit cannot be restored in the person of the Bank of England.

From what I have heard abroad, and from the two papers which have been laid upon the table this day, I am glad to see that the bank appears to have made such a stand against the measures which have led to this effect. I have, from the commencement, declared openly and freely what I thought of the conduct of the bank. Upon the face of things, they certainly appear to have been guilty of errors and some degree of criminality. It is, therefore, I say, with much satisfaction, I perceive from the papers on your table, that they are less to blame than I at first surmised. This will afford subject-matter for joy to the country at large; because, in addition to their being a corporate body, for purposes more immediately relating to themselves, the bank are the channel through which the public creditor is paid. It would, therefore, sir, unless it could be proved that they had done something to forfeit their charter-it would, therefore, I repeat it, be rash and improper to deprive them of that channel, or to make them no longer the medium through which the public creditor was to be paid. With respect to the bank in the present instance, it does appear, that not at a late period only, not at a time immediately preceding the order of council, but that from the end of the year 1794, they have been unceas