ation conveyed in them at a price beyond the reach of the majority of the public.

The newspapers were denominated a luxury, but was the dismal catalogue of miseries and distress which they now almost constantly contained, a luxury to those by whom they were read? The tax proposed went ultimately to the annihilation of cheap publications, for the instruction or information of the public. It was not surprising, however, that such ministers as the present should be desirous by any means to impose a check on their progress, or completely to accomplish their destruction.

A division took place on the resolution respecting newspapers, at the desire of Mr. Sheridan.—For the resolution 151; against it 43.

MUTINY OF THE

MAY 8.

CHANNEL FLEET, AND AUGMENTATION OF

THE PAY OF THE NAVY.

On this day the estimates were taken into consideration, for the purpose of augmenting the pay of the seamen, in consequence of the mutiny which had broken out in the channel fleet. Previously to stating them, Mr. Pitt expressed much repugnance to detail, as usual, the motives on which he founded the necessity of applying to the house for an addition to the public expenditure. He declared that, on the present occasion, he did not find himself at liberty to enter into a detail of the transactions that led him to apply. They were such that he felt himself obliged to say, that he would trust their judgment would induce them to concur in his motion, without making it the subject of a long discussion; nor was he able to enter into a statement of the events that had more recently happened ; and if he were, he should feel a reluctance in doing it, as they were wholly, or in a great degree, to be ascribed to misrepresentations. To silence these, and to appease at once all discontent, nothing, in his opinion, would be so effectual as the unanimous decision of parliament on the proposal before them. He, therefore, thought it his duty to entreat the house to pass their silent judgment on the present case, while they coincided with the motion it occasioned him to make. He then moved for a total of £436,000 to answer the additional pay and allowances to the seamen and marines in the navy. The resolutions to this intent being read,

Mr. SHERIDAN said, he certainly should vote for the resolution, but there was a question he should propose to the right hon. gentleman, which might be answered without involving that discussion which he wished to avoid, or that mischief which he apprehended. In allusion to the new disturbances which were said to exist, the right hon. gentleman had said that nothing was so likely to restore tranquillity as an immediate vote in favour of

the resolution. But why then did not the right hon. gentleman avail himself of the opportunity of submitting that vote sooner, when it might have prevented the disturbances it was meant to appease? Why was it that the vote was to be proposed when information was received that new disturbances had broken out? Why did he not take immediate steps in consequence of the promises which were made? Why, instead of the slow and procrastinating mode that had been followed, had not the right hon. gentleman come with a message from the throne, recommending the house to take measures to carry into effect what had been done? He distinctly asked, then, why a fortnight's delay had taken place before any steps were adopted to carry into effect what had been done? How could they rely that even what they were to vote would be properly carried into effect? From the words of the lords of the admiralty, that they had come to the resolution of acceding to the demands of the seamen, "that they might have as early an opportunity as possible of returning to their duty, as it may be necessary that the fleet should speedily put to sea meet the enemy of the country," it was plain that they did not expect that the seamen were to return to their duty upon that promise; but that some other proceedings would immediately follow upon it. The first step, then, ought to have been a communication to the house, and such a vote as this, passed with unanimity, would have perfectly satisfied them. He thought too highly of the character of British seamen, to imagine that this vote would not satisfy them; and if it did not, he should think more degradingly of them than he did at present. Misrepresentations might have induced them to do what they ought not to have done; but the right hon. gentleman ought to have prevented the possibility of such misrepresentation. He was convinced, however, that means of conciliation would be more effectual if accompanied with a vote of censure on ministers, for not coming to parliament sooner with some proposition on the subject.

Mr. Pitt said, it was a mistake to imagine that the proposition had been brought forward in consequence of any new occurrences.

Mr. Sheridan said, that he did not state that the resolution was now brought forward in consequence of recent occurrences. He charged the right hon. gentleman with the delay that had taken place. He believed that misrepresentation might have

taken place, but that misrepresentation ought to have been anticipated by some earlier proposition on the subject. He pressed the right hon. gentleman to inform the house what motive, what reason, what pretence, could exist for the delay of a fortnight which had intervened? He did not impute any responsibility to the admiralty, as they had done all they could do.

The resolutions passed nem. con.

MAY 9.

MUTINY IN THE CHANNEL FLEET, &c.

On this day the charge against ministers of procrastination was renewed by Mr. Whitbread, who declared, that it appeared to him of such consequence that he considered it his duty formally to inquire, why ministry had not, at an earlier period, applied to the house, and thereby prevented the dangers that had resulted from this neglect. The answer of Mr. Pitt was, that every proper step had been adopted to obviate the unhappy event which had taken place. Mr. Fox justified the censure which he trusted the house would pass on administration.

Mr. SHERIDAN said he was confident that not a doubt remained in the mind of any gentleman in the house of the shameful misconduct of his Majesty's ministers; nor had he any doubt but that they all felt regret at what had happened, and indignation at those who were the cause of it, as well as contempt for their incapacity. He should himself, if his hon. friend had not given notice of it, have brought forward an immediate vote of censure upon ministers for having delayed this measure, but that he wished that nothing should now stand in the way of passing the bill. The reason which the minister offered as an apology for the delay that had taken place, was not to be endured under the circumstances of the time. The minister now pretended to say, that he waited for an estimate of the expense which will attend this measure. Did he really believe that the public were to be so insulted? He could have brought this estimate down to the house at the very hour after the king's proclamation was issued. He was ready enough to avoid all delay in granting the imperial loan; nay, so anxious was he upon that measure, that he would not wait for three days, although it was notorious that intelligence was expected to arrive which would put that loan out of the question. He was ready enough, also, to use all due diligence to stop the payment of the bank, and to

cause the king to come to town at an unusual hour, and in the most extraordinary way, in order to issue the order of council for that purpose. But he saw nothing in this measure—upon which the very existence of the nation depended-that required haste. This was such shameful neglect that he trusted the house would feel it, as he was sure the public felt it, with abhorrence. The minister was absolutely without excuse for the delay that had taken place: he knew that the sailors were dissatisfied. He now came forward with his unavailing regret that any disturbances had happened; he pretended that they arose from misunderstanding. Could there be any wonder at that misunderstanding? Had the sailors not a promise from the admiralty, and was not that promise afterwards treated with apparent indifference by the king's ministers? Did they not delay the measure which could alone give it sanction? Had they, therefore, no reason for doubting the sincerity of the minister? It was true, indeed, that in most cases where money was to be called from the people, the minister's promise was precisely the same thing as a vote of the house of commons,-at least there was reason for thinking so from former facts; but it was not wonderful that the sailors thought otherwise, for they judged more of what parliament ought to be than what it really was by its modern practice; and, therefore, unless the minister had lost his very superior intellects, it was impossible for him not to foresee the consequences that followed. He could not but foresee, that when the order was given for the fleet to weigh anchor, that jealousy would remain among the sailors; and therefore he was, to all intents and purposes, answerable for the consequences that ensued.

With respect to the notice of his hon. friend he hoped he would not pursue it this day, because the minister might complain of the want of candour in bringing such a matter forward on a sudden; for that there could be no reason, but there was no necessity for giving him the pretext; and the more opportunity that was given to him to prepare himself the better, and he hoped he would prepare a much better defence than any he had hitherto urged. He ought, however, to give to the house some account of what he expected to be the feelings of the sailors when this measure should pass, in order that the house might have satisfaction in what they were doing. Be the claims of the sailors what they may, what was now proposed to be granted to them

was nothing more than justice: at the same time that he said this, he must not omit to state distinctly his decided disapprobation of the mode in which these demands were insisted upon; it was unfair, and inconsistent with the brave, generous, and open character of British seamen; nor had he a doubt but there had been a foul interference with them, and means of the basest nature used, to induce them to take the steps which they had taken. If men were oppressed, they ought to be relieved by their country; but, however just their complaints were, they ought to complain in a regular way. If there were men among them, as he believed there were, that advised the sailors to put their country into such peril as it stood in at this moment, for the mere purpose of having their objects carried, such men were the most base of traitors. He suspected there were persons of this description, and the evil was of the most alarming kind, when the enemy were actually preparing in the most formidable manner against us. He thought that listening to the suggestions of such foes to this country would never have been the fault of the brave British seamen. The country were to look to the ministers for the great cause of all this; and we were now in a situation in which common measures would not do, and therefore he should have to propose one of an uncommon kind. If he were told, that by proposing it, he encroached on executive government, he should answer, that executive government had already encroached so much upon the representative part as to make his measure absolutely necessary. He thought that the sailors had much distrust in the promises of the executive government ;--and perhaps they might not have sufficient faith in the pledge of that house. They had evidently shown they had no faith in those who had hitherto negotiated with them, if accounts were true, as he was afraid they were; for it appeared by them, that when the town was lulled yesterday into a sanguine hope that the disturbances were over, and that the London had sailed down to St. Helen's, and that Admiral Colpoys was gone with her, the delegates went on shore to view the dead bodies of those who fell in the scuffle. If this be true, as he feared it was, he would ask what was to be done with the fleet? What measure was to be taken? Had any been taken to prevent future mischief? Anything to prevent the most horrid of all calamities? He believed none. This was a single instance, and a fresh one, of the deplor