the enemy, and to relieve us from our present perilous condition has my cordial support, and ought to receive theirs.

Having said this, I ought also to say a few words on a subject which I have heard within a few moments; I mean that of an intention to take away one of the most valuable of the rights of the subject. That part of the address which I like the least, is that which relates to a supposed correspondence between our foreign enemies, and those who are alleged to be our domestic traitors. If there be such traitors among us, let the law pronounce upon them; but ministers must not expect inconsistencies from me; I cannot give my assent to an assertion of the existence of such a correspondence, or such a society of traitors, without proof. I say this the more readily, on remembering, that formerly I denied the existence of a plot which the minister alleged did exist, and the verdict of a jury afterwards negatived that conspiracy, and consequently supported what I said upon that subject. What plots there are, or whether there be any, I do not know; but, before I hear evidence, I cannot give an unqualified assistance to that part of the address. The minister must know, better than I can pretend to do, whether any such plots exist or not; but he will pardon me if I decline to take his word for their existence. That ministers should take this step, I own, appears to me alarming; it casts a kind of suspicion all over the country, and which, in my opinion, will operate as a check upon the otherwise rising spirit of the people. Gentlemen will easily understand what I allude to; but ministers will excuse me; they cannot have any support from me upon this subject-I mean the suspension of the Habeas-Corpus Act. On a former occasion I opposed that suspension; and now there is less evidence to support the necessity of it than then. If called upon to assent to that suspension, they must allow me to pause; for it is much too difficult for me to assent to such a measure without much better evidence than I have yet seen.

Another point is one of great importance, but on which I shall utter only a single sentence: it is the state of Ireland. I mean on some future day to bring forward a discussion of that subject. I only mention it now for the sake of observing, that part of the British empire, which was once one of the sinews of its strength, is now, alas! become a part of its weakness. The cause of that unhappy change I do not now pretend to explain; but let not

governors ever flatter themselves, that they ever, at any time, under any circumstances, lose the affections of the hearts of the people without some misrule on their parts. Upon that subject I do not pretend to say anything decisive now; but I have thus introduced it, for the purpose of giving notice that I intend to enter hereafter upon its discussion.

BILL FOR SUSPENDING FOR A LIMITED TIME THE OPERATION OF THE HABEAS CORPUS ACT.

MR. SHERIDAN expresed his entire disapprobation of the bill, and his wish that it had not been urged with such violent rapidity as marked its motion through the other house, and which he anticipated would also become its career through this house. The last great and best privilege was trial by jury: the efforts of any administration that checked its attributes, or diminished its virtues, was the death-blow to the vitality of constitutional liberty. This was a privilege which, of all others, he was most tenacious of, and which, of all others, was most valuable to the political eminence of Englishmen. He could not then permit the bill now proposed to pass through the house, without thus, in the most rigid, decided, and unqualified manner, giving it his most positive negative. He could not, when he lent his warmest aid in approbation of every measure to be adopted to resist the common enemy, at the same time, and the very same instant, give his approbation of a measure, the operation of which would retard, check, and damp that vigour requisite to meet and confound that common enemy; to resist with effect the common enemy, there must be unanimity; but the effect of this would be to sow discord, to excite murmurs, and to feed discontent. When a measure similar to this, on a former occasion, was introduced, he used the same arguments that he should apply now. He desired to have evidence before the house of the existence of treason, and of traitorous conspiracies, before he gave a ready acquiescence to that which, in its operation, involved so many. The measure now introduced required still more urgently the application of the same arguments. He, therefore, again required evidence of conspiring traitors, of treasonable correspondence, of seditious societies; until these were adduced, he would never give his consent to the bill then before the house. He should consider himself performing but a lukewarm duty to his conscience, or to his country, if he did not express himself to

this effect; but he should do a violence to both, if he did not resist it with every faculty which God and nature gave him to enjoy.

The right hon. gentleman opposite to him seemed to welcome his co-operation in the general system of national welfare, and to infer from thence, that he was to expect his support, thick and thin, of all his measures; but he took occasion to remark, that as, in the general principle of united opposition to foreign invasion, he entertained but one and the same wish with that right hon. gentleman and the rest of his colleagues; yet, in the specific transaction of his ministerial conduct, he never coincided with him, and never would. This he desired might be universally understood. He took occasion to remark that the period when this measure was before introduced, was when a set of persons were ready to be put upon their trial; the same was precisely the case now. But, even at that period, there was more abundant reason for the house to adopt such a measure than at the present; for at that time there was such evidence for their guide as the secret committees of the two houses of parliament had procured; but now even that pretext is not forthcoming, nor a shadow of proof offered, that any kind of treason existed that could warrant the adoption of so violent a means to restrict the liberty of Englishmen. There was nothing good, nothing wise, nothing just or prudent in it, and nothing that could sanction for it his support. The right hon. gentleman, then, failing to adduce any evidence to authorise the suspension of the habeas corpus act, either at the former period to which he alluded, or now, it remained for him to inquire whether there existed any proof, or any demonstration, sufficient to supersede the necessity of suspending it at this time? He had cause to believe he could produce argument to such an effect; and, for that purpose, he had only to submit to the house the very reasoning used this day by that right hon. gentleman. He stated, in very glowing language, “the prevalent spirit of opposition that reigned among the people of this country to French principles, their unanimity to resist French arms, and the universality of both opposition and resistance in maintaining, against all invaders, the inviolability of their constitution, their liberty, and laws.” He therefore confessed, when he heard such assertions issue from that right hon. gentleman, he could not but conceive and believe, that such a measure

as that submitted to the house was, if not nugatory, at least unnecessary. He desired to know where was the necessity of oppressing a willing people? By the declarations of the right hon. gentleman himself, unanimity prevailed; one sentiment, one spirit, one soul seemed to actuate the people, and he believed it. Then where exists the necessity of imposing upon them a law, which, if not oppressive, must be useless and unnecessary? For his part, as he could observe no proofs of its necessity, as he could find no reason for its utility, until he saw either, or both, it should have, in every stage, his negative.

Mr. Pitt having replied,

Mr. Sheridan said, he wished to act on principle, and not on confidence; the minister said he knew the existence of a conspiracy, and admitted that he (Mr. Sheridan) did not know it; how then could he vote for this measure otherwise than upon confidence? He was told, indeed, that the French themselves had published their intention of invading this country, and that they trusted to the aid of traitors here; he did not think that much credit was due to that assertion; for the French themselves had stated that they would be joined in this country by all the friends to parliamentary reform. Taking that as a specimen, either of their judgment or veracity, there did not seem to him to be much reliance due to either. Indeed, he thought the chancellor of the exchequer desired too much, in expecting him to have no will of his own, after he had assented to the motion for the address this day. He was most clearly of opinion that this country ought to be well prepared to meet the enemy-it ought also to convince the enemy it is prepared. That could be done only by raising the spirit of the British people, to show their dignity. In his opinion, to deprive them of so material a bulwark as the habeas corpus act, was not the way to do either; for such a measure would only spread discontent among themselves, damp their spirits, and lessen their dignity in the view of foreign nations.

The question was put that the bill be read a first time-ayes 183; noes 5.

MAY 5.

SOUTHWARK ASSOCIATION.

Mr. Tierney moved, "That this house will, upon this day sen'night, resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, to take into consideration the manner in which the Act to enable his Majesty more effectually to provide for the defence and security of the realm during the present war, and for indemnifying persons who may suffer in their property by such measures as may be necessary for that purpose,' has been carried into effect in the county of Surrey."

Mr. Dundas spoke in opposition to the motion.

MR. SHERIDAN said, it had a little excited his surprise to hear the right hon. gentleman acknowledge the importance of the present question, and yet treat it as if it was of no importance at all. In my mind (said Mr. Sheridan), in point of real importance, as it connects itself with the best interests of the country, in a crisis avowedly of real danger, than the present, there could not have been brought forward a question more entitled to the candid, full, and deliberate consideration of this house. Yet so satisfied am I with the statements made by my hon. friend, and so ably has he supported those statements by his arguments-arguments which have scarce been combated, but certainly not refuted, that I should not have troubled the house at all, but from one observation made by the right hon. gentleman in the course of his speech. Sir, the right hon. gentleman has this evening told us, nay, he has asserted it broadly as a proposition which, indeed, he has offered to maintain, that there are in this country great numbers of seditious persons, who have formed themselves into societies under the specious title of reformers, but whose real object is to overturn the constitution by assisting the French, should they ever land in this country. This, sir, is, in truth, a very broad proposition; and, without intending anything ludicrous, I must confess its capacity was not a little enlarged by the tone and gesture in which it was delivered. But the right hon. gentleman cannot wonder if I deny assertions so generally made, and propositions so wide and unlimited in their scope. I am now told there are everywhere insidious lurking persons, who cherish sentiments hostile to the government. This is an accusation by no means new. It is, however, much too loose and vague to be regarded with complacency. I will admit that there may be in this country, as there ever will be in every country, a few, who, urged by I know not what spirit, a love of change-a pas