house too well recollects the subscription set on foot in London, under the auspices, I believe, of Mr. Angerstein, in order to collect money for the support of industrious manufacturers in Ireland, wholly without employment, and destitute of the means of subsistence. Of this description there were from 30,000 to 40,000 men in Ireland. By the produce of charitable subscription, 25,000 a week were, by the scantiest benefactions, prevented from being famished. Such was the situation of so many unhappy individuals; and when charity was wearied out, unable any longer to supply their wants, it was not the poison of French principles, but the want of bread that seduced them. It was not their desire to be Frenchified, but their reluctance to be famished, that wrought upon them to make new attempts to escape from their misery. This was the true cause that made them a prey to seduction; and with one so satisfactory before our eyes, why need we seek to impute their conduct to the poison of French principles-a cause so inadequate to the effects?

This much I have thought it right to say, in defence of those who think it necessary to inquire into the grounds of the quarrel between the government and people of the sister kingdom. I now return to the measure before the house. The right hon. gentleman denies that the militia could be intended, in any shape, as a counterbalance to a standing army, because it is the prerogative of the crown to reduce the militia at pleasure. I should really have expected, that upon such a question the right hon. gentleman would have argued on some information upon the subject. The right hon. gentleman has proved himself completely ignorant of the constitution of the militia. The king can neither increase nor diminish the number of the militia. Each county supplies a certain number, and can neither have more nor less than its quota. It has been said that the service is voluntary, but I contend that it is not. The case of the fencibles is mentioned as in point, but nothing can be more different. The fencibles are raised on certain conditions between the individuals authorized by ministers and the men who enlist; nor is it surprising that these engagements should be violated by those who have shown themselves incapable of adhering to any contract, or being faithful to any engagements. The militia, however, was on a different footing. The militia was raised, not by a contract between individuals, but on a compact of law. It is in vain to

talk of a thing being voluntary where no real opinion is left. The case of the worthy baronet (Sir L. Palk) is a proof of this. He finds himself in the whimsical situation of being a volunteer without knowing it. It reminds me of the story of the people who were dragging a man along, and on being asked the reason, gave for answer, "that it was a volunteer they were carrying along with them." It had been said, "that the resolution of the hon. gentleman and the worthy baronet, who have expressed their determination to follow their corps wherever they go, is a proof that they are not compelled." The motive from which they act, however, is submission, not consent. They go, not for the reason given by the right hon. gentleman, but for the reason assigned by themselves, that they would not desert the brave men with whom they served. What, indeed, is the mode employed to collect the disposition of a regiment respecting its going to Ireland? They are called out on the parade. Every man watches the looks of his neighbour; he is afraid to refuse assent at a moment when suspicion is so ready to fasten on the most indifferent things. With aching hearts, with reluctant minds, without anything of sound will and real consent, they are dragged into an acquiescence, which is called voluntary; and these are the men who are considered as fit corps for resisting rebellion in Ireland. The comparison of the voluntary contributions was perfectly exact. To the measure of voluntary contributions I was friendly, and I was sorry to see it assume, in any degree, the appearance of compulsion. I did not like to hear of regiments called out to be asked whether they would give up a week's pay, and of ships' companies brought on deck to subscribe their contribution. The mischiefs of a deliberate army have already been forcibly represented; a deliberate army may become an addressing army; and an addressing army a dictating army. When the principle is once violated, there are no mischiefs to which it may not extend.

We are now called upon for our last military stake, the militia; and it is natural to ask where we are to look for defence? Is the danger, to which the public attention was so forcibly directed, less now than it was? Before the trials at Maidstone took place, we were informed by a right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Dundas), that dangers of the utmost magni

tude existed. The promised communications on the subject, however, have not yet been received. Are we to understand, then, that the Habeas Corpus was suspended without any sufficient cause; or do the dangers which then existed still threaten to assail us? Have ministers fairly and impartially weighed our situation, and knowing, as all the world must have known, the state of Ireland-the number of troops in that quarter, and the probable demand for new reinforcements, have they taken the precautions for supplying the drain of men, and providing such means of defence as our situation afforded? This they have not done. They called upon the spirit and the exertion of the country; they called upon men to forget their political divisions, and to unite in the great object of the national defence. Many of those who had been in the habit of opposing ministers showed a zealous disposition to support the great object of national defence. In many cases, this spirit had been answered by a behaviour highly discreditable to ministers. Under symptoms of apostacy from every principle men had previously entertained, their services were rejected. To the signs of dissent which the right hon. gentleman exhibits, I say that the association formed in the borough of Southwark is a proof of this assertion. For another proof of it, I have only to look at an hon. friend of mine beside me (General Tarleton). It would be superfluous in me to say anything in praise of his courage and military talents. This country, all Europe and America, can bear testimony to his merit. My hon. friend candidly and manfully offered his services wherever they could be employed. They were rejected, however, with contempt. And does any person suppose that, if my hon. friend had been in the habit of cringing to ministers, he would have remained unemployed? Indeed, to the surprise of the enemy, and to the astonishment of the country, his services have been rejected, merely because he remained faithful to the political sentiments he has entertained. Religious distinctions, too, have been kept up, distinctions which, when the situation of the Pope is considered, any belief in his supremacy would not have rendered him very formidable. Some time ago, when I proposed that a certain oath, required to be taken by those who serve his Majesty in a military capacity, should be omitted in favour of Roman Catholics, the motion was rejected. Brought

forward partially on another bill by an hon. gentleman (Mr. Wilberforce) it succeeded; and was rejected on another attempt to extend it to dissenters. Another instance of this spirit occurred in the behaviour of ministers to Lord Petre. That nobleman had been at the trouble and expense of raising a corps of Essex Rangers. The commission, by which this corps was to be commanded by Lord Petre's son, was refused to be signed, because that gentleman was a member of the Whig Club. Perhaps this offer may have since been accepted, and the circumstance of difficulty cleared up. There are other instances, however, in which the same spirit has been displayed by ministers. A noble duke (Bedford), of great character and influence, desirous to exert that influence in such a manner as might strengthen the country at the present difficult crisis, had, upon the most liberal terms, under the sanction of the lord lieutenant, raised a corps of 450 volunteers at Tavistock, in Devonshire, which was to be united to a corps of 150 which previously existed. These men were to be clothed and paid at the noble duke's own expense, and the men were raised, and everything arranged. Everything was prepared-when, at a meeting of the Whig Club, the noble duke having said, that an hon. friend of his, not now present, was more meritorious from the animosity which ministers had testified against him; from a newspaper report of this speech, the services of the noble duke were rejected. A letter was sent by the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Dundas), commenting upon that sentence in the speech, and arguing that a person who held such language was unfit to be entrusted with any command. Upon this pretext the services of the noble duke were rejected. Surely ministers, while they act in this manner, check the spirit of coming forward in the defence of the country, and deprive it of the assistance of many who are zealous in its cause, and neglect those precautions of security which the drain of troops to Ireland has rendered necessary. To keep Ireland against the will of the people is a vain expectation. With 80,000 troops with arms and discipline, against an unarmed and undisciplined multitude, is it not clear that the contest lies between the government and the people? Without reversing the system, therefore, Ireland, as the phrase is, cannot be saved. The struggle is one, not of local discontent and partial disaffection, but it is a contest bctween the people and the government. In such a state of things,

without entering into a particular inquiry, the fair presumption is, that the government is to blame. He concluded with concurring in the amendment.

The house divided; for the amendment 47; against it 118. The original address was then put and carried.

JANUARY 23, 1799.

UNION OF IRELAND WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

On the 22nd of January the following message was delivered to the house :— "His Majesty is persuaded that the unremitting industry with which our enemies persevere in their avowed design of effecting the separation of Ireland from this kingdom, cannot fail to engage the particular attention of parliament; and his Majesty recommends it to this house to consider of the most effectual means of counteracting, and finally defeating, this design; and he trusts that a review of all the circumstances which have recently occurred (joined to the sentiment of mutual affection and common interest) will dispose the parliaments of both kingdoms to provide in the manner which they shall judge most expedient, for settling such a complete and final adjustment as may best tend to improve and perpetuate a connection essential for their common security, and to augment and consolidate the strength, power, and resources of the British empire." On this day Mr. Dundas moved the usual address.

MR. SHERIDAN rose and said, Sir, I must frankly declare that I am not of the same opinion with the right hon. gentleman, who thinks that there is nothing more necessary on the part of his Majesty's ministers than to move a mere address, returning the thanks of this house for his Majesty's most gracious communication. The subject is too important to be passed lightly over in any stage of its progress, and the interests that will naturally come into discussion too vast to be bounded over with an unreflecting rapidity. Not one man in the country would be free from reproach, if he could regard with apathy, or with an ease of temper approaching to indifference, a question that at once involves everything dear to Irishmen, and which ought to be dear to every subject of the British empire. As I cannot view these matters wholly with unconcern, I must think that more is necessary on the part of his Majesty's ministers than merely to move an address of thanks. I say, sir, I cannot be of this opinion, because, when I found it stated that it is the principal object of the message from the crown to invite the commons of Great Britain to the consideration of means for finally adjusting the interests in common between Great Britain and Ireland, I