Let our union be a union of mind and spirit, as well as of interest and power-not that sort of marriage in which fraud is the suitor, and force the ratifier of the solemn contract. Let me conjure you not to commit a violent rape on your sister Ireland; for you may, by well-timed overtures, get her as a comfort at your side, full of love, full of fidelity, and full of confidence. You must be convinced that she will be in a deplorable situation indeed, if the banns are to be published from the trumpets of 40,000 British troops.

I think, sir, I have endeavoured to show-I may say, without vanity, I have shown-that there would be great danger even if you carry the measure; and I should like to know what are the dangers of delay, and what the necessity for dispatch. I did expect that ministers would set out by showing us this; but probably they have reserved themselves for a farther opportunity.— (Here Mr. Sheridan apologized for any warmth he might have displayed in the course of his speech, and observed, that if the question had been fairly taken up, instead of by intimidation and corruption, the house might have expected to have seen less warmth of manner.)-The only arguments I have seen for the measure that I can suppose come from ministers, are those contained in a book written, as I understand, by two gentlemen in office in Ireland, and which contains a statement that is now circulated as the terms of the union. A more offensive or more flimsy production I have never read. In this pamphlet I find some arguments for dispatch, and those tremendous arguments are the dread of the power of the pope and the English opposition; the probability that the parliaments of the two countries may alter their opinions by change of ministers; and, lastly, one that is highly indecent, the supposition that we may lose our virtuous sovereign. (Here Mr. Sheridan commented on those different points, and said he thought it a strange way of counteracting the inflammatory effect of the speeches of the English opposition, or the proceedings of the English parliament, to bring a batch of Irish members into that house to partake of the sedition of the minority. But it is imputed to opposition, that they are liable to change their opinions; now the example of this is the regency, when the parliament of Ireland agreed with a great minority in the English parliament in the principle, objecting merely to the powers to be given to the regent).-But, sir, I wish ministers to

give fair play to Ireland. I have stated three of the arguments for dispatch; and the fourth for the measure is one that must everywhere excite indignation. This is, that the Irish took advantage in 1782 of the war, and that therefore England may now take advantage of the force of the country for the extinction of the independence of Ireland. This is the creed of the castle; but the English are not to be insulted in this way, nor their character traduced. Having, in a general way, thus combated the arguments of that pamphlet, Mr. Sheridan next took a view of the subject as a constitutional question, and contended, that as well might the English parliament vote the crown absolute, perpetuate a power in the king to control the grants of parliaments, and give to this parliament a right to exercise a vigour beyond the law, and vote itself not at all responsible to the people. It is no light matter even to have one hundred members coming here from Ireland without the means of being regularly instructed by their constituents; but, perhaps, I am to be told, as I understand has been asserted by an hon. gentleman opposite to me, that when once the parliament meets, the people have no right to hear of what their representatives are about; and that, therefore, it is not merely dangerous, but unconstitutional, to publish an account of their proceedings. Sir, I must suppose the right hon. gentleman to whom this doctrine is imputed, never used it in argument; for certainly if I found such doctrine urged in a pamphlet, I should think it my duty to move, that the house might instruct the attorney-general to prosecute the author, and that the book should be burnt by the common hangman. I once recommended a prosecution in this house, and once only in my life; it was against the author of a book, where it had been stated that the tree might remain sound even though the branches were lopped off. Now I think the same effect would follow, were that measure of restraint adopted by the house. But, if it is said that the principle of union was adopted by parliament in the instance of Scotland, I cannot admit that the existence of one bad precedent is any argument for adopting a second. With respect to the power of the Irish parliament to agree to the measure, I will say, that I think no power on earth has a right to proscribe the independence of the people. I have heard a vigorous statesman (Lord Grenville) use an argument that enforces this: he said, "that to alter the chartered rights of any company, would

be to change the power and prerogative of the crown, and that his Majesty could not assent to a bill for such a purpose, though it should even pass the two houses of parliament."

With respect to the enemies of the British government, it had two enemies in Ireland, "Poverty and Ignorance;" and unless it can be shown that the present measure will remove thesewill prevent the repetition of those scenes of distress which passed in Ireland when there were, in the city of Dublin alone, 12,000 labourers, &c. out of employment, living on rasppings of bread, or starving with their families-unless these evils can be ameliorated, if not wholly corrected by a union, I must be unfriendly to the measure. If the people of Ireland be active and industrious in every country but their own, it must be the effect of their government. First remove the causes of their misery, and then invite them, if you will, to a closer union. Mr. Arthur Young has attributed the growth of the evils, that render miserable the poor of Ireland, to the progress of French principles; but I am quite convinced the misery of that unfortunate class has had its origin and continues to increase with the exactions and imposts of their overgrown lords. [Here Mr. Sheridan resumed the arguments and comments on the argument in the pamphlet above alluded to, which relates to opposition; observing that no apprehensions of mischief need surely be entertained from it, especially if a noble marquis in another place was right in saying that opposition is no more.] Sir, I must say I think that noble person might as well have spared our feelings, and not have cut his clumsy capers on our grave. He has said he is no party man; sir, I blame no man for not being a party man, but I respect too well the memory of a Marquis of Rockingham; I respect too well the memory of a Mr. Burke; I also respect too well the memory of those principles which some of the present members of administration once were proud to avow-I think I ought to respect myself, though not of much importance; but particularly the great and virtuous characters with whom I have the honour to be connected; I ought to respect all those, and each of them, too much to join with the noble marquis in his death-song over the manes of party. And, sir, I hope, though at present the banners of opposition be furled in secession, they will again be displayed, and that its members will come forward and rally round the constitution when danger

menaces its sacred foundations; that they will prove worthy of their principles, and of that liberty they value dear, by asserting and defending the independence of every legitimate, constitutional parliament, and the rights and liberties of every people. He concluded with moving the following amendment :

"At the same time to express the surprise and deep regret with which this house now, for the first time, learns from his Majesty, that the final adjustment which, upon his Majesty's gracious recommendation, took place between the two kingdoms in the year 1782, and which, by the declaration of the parliaments of both countries, placed the connection between them upon a solid and permanent basis, has not produced the effects expected from that solemn settlement; and farther, humbly to express to his Majesty, that his Majesty's faithful commons having strong reason to believe that it is in the contemplation of his Majesty's ministers to propose a union of the legislatures of the two kingdoms, notwithstanding the said final and solemn adjustment, feel it to be their bounden duty, impressed as they are with the most serious apprehensions of the consequences of such a proceeding at this time, to take the earliest opportunity humbly to implore his Majesty not to listen to the counsel of those who shall advise or promote such a measure at the present crisis, and under the present circumstances of the empire.'

Mr. Sheridan afterwards withdrew his amendment, and the original motion was put and carried.

JANUARY 31.

UNION OF GREAT BRITAIN WITH IRELAND.

Mr. Pitt moved the following resolutions:—First, That in order to promote and secure the essential interests of Great Britain and Ireland, and to consolidate the strength, power, and resources of the British empire, it will be advisable to concur in such measures as may best tend to unite the two kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland into one kingdom, in such manner, and on such terms and conditions as may be established by acts of the respective parliaments of his Majesty's said kingdoms.

"Second, That it appears to this committee that it would be fit to propose as the first article to serve as a basis of the said union, that the said kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland shall, upon a day to be agreed upon, be united into one kingdom, by the name of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

"Third, That for the same purpose it appears also to this committee, that if would be fit to propose that the succession to the monarchy and the imperial crown of the said united kingdoms shall continue limited and settled, in the same manner as the imperial crown of the said kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland now

stands limited and settled, according to the existing laws, and to the terms of the union between England and Scotland.

"Fourth, That for the same purpose it appears also to this committee, that it would be fit to propose that the said united kingdom be presented in one and the same parliament, to be styled the parliament of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and that such a number of lords spiritual and temporal, and such a number of members of the house af commons as shall be hereafter agreed upon by acts of the respective parliaments as aforesaid, shall sit and vote in the said parliaments on the part of Ireland, and shall be summoned, chosen, and returned in such manner as shall be fixed by an act of the parliament of Ireland previous to the said union; and that every member hereafter to sit and vote in the said parliament of the united kingdom shall, until the said parliament shall otherwise provide, take and subscribe the same oaths, and make the same declarations as are by law required to be taken, subscribed, and made, by the members of the parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland.

"Fifth, That for the same purpose it appears also to this committee, that it would be fit to propose that the churches of England and Ireland, and the doctrine, worship, discipline, and government thereof shall be preserved as now by law established.

"Sixth, That for the same purpose it appears also to this committee, that it would be fit to propose that his Majesty's subjects in Ireland shall at all times hereafter be entitled to the same privileges, and be on the same footing in respect of trade and navigation in all ports and places belonging to Great Britain, and in all cases with respect to which treaties shall be made by his Majesty, his heirs, or successors, with any foreign power, as his Majesty's subjects in Great Britain : that no duty shall be imposed on the import or export between Great Britain and Ireland of any articles now duty free; and that on other articles there shall be established, for a time to be limited, such a moderate rate of equal duties as shall, previous to the union, be agreed upon and improved by the respective parliaments, subject, after the expiration of such limited time, to be diminished equally with respect to both kingdoms, but in no case to be increased; that all articles which may at any time hereafter be imported into Great Britain from foreign parts, shall be importable through either kingdom into the other, subject to the like duties and regulations as if the same were imported directly from foreign parts; that where any articles, the growth, produce, or manfacture of either kingdom, are subject to any internul duty in one kingdom, such countervailing duties (over and above any duties on import to be fixed as aforesaid) shall be imposed as shall be necessary to prevent any inequality in that respect; and that all other matters of trade and commerce other than the foregoing, and than such others as may before the union be specially agreed upon for the due encouragement of the agriculture and manufactures of the respective kingdoms, shall remain to be regulated from time to time by the united parliament.

"

'Seventh, That for the like purpose it would be fit to propose, that the charge arising from the payment of the interest or sinking fund for the reduction of the principal of the debt incurred in either kingdom before the union, shall continue to be separately defrayed by Great Britain and Ireland respectively. That for a number of years to be limited, the future ordinary expenses of the united king