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of commons, a large majority of the Irish peers, and an equally large proportion of the people out of doors, were friendly to the measures of a union; but if he would but look of what that division against it in the commons was composed, he would discover that it contained almost all the country gentlemen; while, if he examined who composed that on the other side of the question, they would be almost all found to be under the influence of the crown: if, besides this, the dismissals that had taken place, in spite of the fair character of those who were removed thus unjustly from office, it was a shame to speak of anything like an equality between those who opposed and those who supported the proposed union. Now, as to the large proportion of the people out of doors, who are said to be favourable to it, where were they to be found? He knew of no place but Cork that expressed anything like approbation of it, and, perhaps, Limerick also-but was there not a lure thrown out to the former, that they should have a dockyard built there? And, on the other hand, was not the linen trade menaced with being deprived of some of the means that tended to encourage it? Thus, to gain his ends, he held out a bribe to the south, and threw out a threat against the north-some inducements are also held out to the Roman catholics; a diminution of tithes, and an establishment for their clergy. But what prevents these promises from being now realized? If it be right to do it, ought it not to be done whether a union is to take place or not, and parliament be enabled, instead of holding out bribes and barter, to win, by these concessions, the affections and confidence of the Irish people? Another argument strongly urged in favour of the union, is the prosperity which Scotland is said to have enjoyed since it has been united with England: but might not Scotland have attained this increase of wealth and prosperity merely by the dint of her own industry? Besides, Scotland cannot be well compared with Ireland. In Scotland the gentlemen of property are found to reside, and to encourage trade, &c.; in Ireland it is the reverse. It is also said, that two independent legislatures may seldom agree; and, from this want of concur rence and co-operation, the most serious calamities may arise: as well might we say that two independent houses of parliament may not co-operate, because the lords may throw out a moneybill sent from the commons, or the commons may refuse to con

cur in the amendments made by the lords. The whole of these objections are completely refuted by experience; and to insist upon such objections, would be a libel on the constitution. French principles and jacobinism were, as usual, introduced in the debate, and made the subject of splendid invective. But what was jacobinism? Was it not jacobinism that pretended to make other states more free, independent, and prosperous, than it found them? Was it not jacobinism that called on other countries to resign their freedom, their independence, and their constitutions, with a promise to substitute something better in their place? If so, was not the right hon. gentleman, in proposing the present measure, acting the part of an arch-jacobin?

It is not my intention, sir, to oppose going into a committee, but I shall certainly object to your leaving the chair, for the purpose of moving two resolutions, which I shall, in case the propositions should be carried, wish to have placed before them, for the purpose of taking off, in some degree, that jealousy which the Irish parliament, I am afraid, will be apt to entertain of their passing this house, after the measure of union having been so decidedly rejected in the house of commons of Ireland. Mr. Sheridan then read the following resolutions:

"That no measures can have a tendency to improve and perpetuate the ties of amity and connection now existing between Great Britain and Ireland, which have not for their basis the manifest, fair, and free consent and approbation of the parliaments of the two countries.

"That whoever shall endeavour to obtain the appearance of such consent and approbation in either country, by employing the influence of government for the purposes of corruption or intimidation, is an enemy to his Majesty and to the constitution." The house divided on the question of the speaker's leaving the chair-ayes 140; noes 15. The resolutions were afterwards read in committee.

FEBRUARY 7.

UNION OF GREAT BRITAIN WITH IRELAND.

Mr. Pitt moved the order of the day for the house to resolve itself into a committee, in order to take into further consideration his Majesty's most gracious message respecting the proposed Union with Ireland.

Mr. SHERIDAN observed that, according to the rules and ordinary proceedings of the house, the right hon. gentleman most

undoubtedly could claim the privilege of moving the order of the day, before he (Mr. Sheridan) could attempt to move the resolutions of which he had thrown out an idea, and his intention of moving them, upon a former occasion; if, therefore, that privilege was insisted on, he must postpone his motion for the pre

sent.

Mr. Pitt said that, though he had waited some time in expectation of the hon. gentleman's expected motion, he was nevertheless ready to waive his privilege, and to give the precedence to the hon. gentleman.

Mr. Sheridan then proceeded:-Having, on the two former occasions, in which the present subject was under discussion, trespassed a good deal on the attention of the house, I feel it incumbent upon me to take up as little of their time as possible now. I shall therefore only urge a few of the many reasons which might be advanced in support of the resolutions I intended to move. Indeed, I think it the more incumbent on me to say less at present than I otherwise should, because, though at the commencement of the debates on this measure I had the singularity of standing alone in opposition to the right hon. gentleman's project, yet several gentlemen, knowing what the state of Ireland now is knowing the irritation produced in the public mind by the agitation of this question-and knowing the marked disapprobation the mere suggestion of the measure has received from the Irish parliament, are now as much convinced as I am of the impropriety of continuing to discuss it here. This consideration I should have hoped would have had some weight with the right hon. gentleman, and have taught him not to persist in that pledge which he so boldly gave in the course of the first debate on this subject. The right hon. gentleman has declared, that to accomplish a union of the two kingdoms shall be the object of his life-not his political life, as on former occasions he has pledged but his natural life. Happily, however, this house was as yet pledged to nothing, and I trust they will not join the right hon. gentleman in this. They cannot be mistaken with regard to his object, for he has fairly and candidly acknowledged it. The house will, however, do well to pause before they advance farther. As yet they have done no more than to refer to a committee on his Majesty's message, recommending it to the house to consider of the means of strengthening the connection between the two countries. The resolutions which the right

hon. gentleman have moved are not yet ordered to be printed. Here the house have it in their power to stop: but the case is different if they proceed farther. The question now before us is, whether we are willing to second the pledge which the right hon. gentleman has given of devoting his life to carry this favourite project; a pledge, as I have already observed, not of his political, but of his natural life?—(Here Mr. Pitt smiled.)—Yes, the right hon. gentleman may smile at his pledges! Does he smile that they should be thought sincere? I know that he has before now pledged himself to perform many things which he has not yet found it convenient to accomplish. When the Irish propositions were brought forward, the right hon. gentleman declared, that unless they were agreed to, he could not continue in office, because he could no longer be an useful minister. These propositions were, however, rejected, and the right hon. gentleman smiled at the pledge. He still remained in office, and had of course discovered that there was no necessity for keeping his pledge, since he could be an useful minister without the Irish propositions. I know not how he means to dispose of his present pledge. He may smile at it if he please; but will the people of Ireland smile with him? The right hon. gentleman has before now often duped the people with his pledges, and he may, perhaps, think proper at last to abandon this: be this as it may, however, nothing could have worse consequences, nothing could so much tend to increase the evils which at present exist in Ireland, as this house sanctioning the present pledge of the right hon. gentleman. The effect of the pledge which the right hon. gentleman has given, must, however, be considerable on the people of Ireland. It will produce much irritation, and inflame all those discontents which have already occasioned so much misery in that country. Were it adopted by this house, the mischief would still be greater. It is, indeed, very difficult to conceive what object he proposes to himself by proceeding in this measure. What advantage will his argument of the necessity of a union receive from the house joining in his pledge, when the Irish house of commons has already decided against it? If the house sanctions the project of the right hon. gentleman, the two houses of commons of Great Britain and Ireland will be placed in opposition to each other, and the situation of these nations will be more alarming and frightful than that in which

any two countries, professing amity for each other, ever before stood.

Does the right hon. gentleman not know, that while he declares his determination to persist in this measure, the Irish people will fancy they can easily penetrate the means to which he will resort to carry it? On this point, indeed, they cannot be easily deceived. The right hon. gentleman has declared himself openly, and the measures to which he has already had recourse so plainly indicate his intentions, that there is little room for doubt or mistake on this head. If he do not succeed on the present occasion, the people of Ireland must be convinced that he only waits for a more favourable opportunity: they must know that he only waits for a moment when Ireland shall be more weak, to carry his favourite project, and that intimidation and corruption are the engines he proposes to use. The means to

which he would resort must be known the moment that he declares he will persevere. But it ought to be recollected that the Irish parliament do not look upon their connection with us as a boon-they claim to be independent. If, then, the right hon. gentleman has sincerely pledged himself, there is no other course left for Ireland to take, but to guard against the influence and the power of the British parliament. It has been observed, that Ireland cannot exist without the support of this country; and a noble friend of the right hon. gentleman has held out a threat of withdrawing from Ireland that protection to which she is indebted for her safety, and without which she neither could defend herself against a foreign enemy, nor survive intestine warfare. Thus the people of Ireland were plainly told what was to be the consequence of their refusing to surrender their independent legislature. The house then were to put the two countries in this situation, the most perilous and frightful in which it is possible they could be placed! Such, however, must be the consequence of the house joining in the pledge of the right hon. gentleman.

It is curious to observe the arguments which the right hon. gentleman and his friends have, on this occasion, used in support of the measures they wish to carry into effect. One would be tempted to think that the right hon. gentleman had formed a coalition with the party he has long been accustomed to reprobate; a party which lately attempted to accomplish, by the force

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