"bright boys," and threshers," all arose from tythes, which appeared the most cruel of the burthens under which the lower ranks of people in Ireland groaned. Why then, did not this sufficiently account for the disaffection in Ireland, without having recourse to the idea of a French faction? His right hon. friend admitted the general loyalty of the people of Ireland; but still said there was a French party in Ireland: a French party, but contemptible; a miserable faction, destitute of talents and energy, and of trifling numbers. What he wanted then was, to have the nature of this danger ascertained, to see in what it consisted, to find out the strength of this French faction, and if so contemptible as his right hon. friend had said, to apply a remedy equal to the disease, and not to overturn the whole constitution of the country on account of a wretched faction. His right hon. friend had compared the general loyalty of Ireland and her French faction, to a beauty with a pimple on her face; a very gallant illustration, and one that must certainly be admired by Irishmen. But if he (Mr. S.) were to give his advice to this beauty, he would say to her, " my lovely charmer, put a patch on that pimple, but do not cover your whole face with a mask." Apply this to Ireland. Were the whole of the loyal Irish to be deprived of their liberties, because there existed a contemptible French faction? Let the remedy meet the evil, but no more; let not the foul mask of despotism cover the land, but let liberty bloom in all her beauty, where there existed a soil in which she was capable of flourishing. It had been said, that now, in this difficult crisis, was the time for the catholics to show their loyalty and attachment to the constitution, and their worthiness to enjoy its benefits! But this was beginning at the wrong end. If you want the attachment of the Irish, begin by giving them some reason to love you. If you want them to fight your battles, give them something to fight for. But the other way, to deprive them of their constitution in the mean time, was

"Propter vitam, vitæ perdere causas."

You asked them for bravery, and took away the motives to it. You asked for loyalty, and bid them contend for their laws and liberties, and at the same time deprived them of the benefits of the constitution. But his right hon. friend said, that they were only deprived of this for a time, and that they would have their liberties again after they had achieved some acts that would show

their zeal and loyalty. He had a different view of this subject. He wished to give them the motives to act, before he sent them to action. But why was this proof required of the Irish catholics? Had they not already given it? Where, by sea or by land, had they failed to do their duty? When had they shrunk in the moment of invasion? When had they been deficient in expressions of loyalty and attachment to the constitution? And when have their words been falsified by their actions? Yet his hon. friend seemed to think, that proofs of their loyalty and zeal for the constitution were wanting? You must, however, trust the catholics; you must have them in your Irish militia. Why then suspect them, and subject them to penalties without cause? He might be wrong in this; but if that was so, let it be proved. His right hon. friend close by him (Mr. Wyndham), had said, that he seemed to hold the concessions to the Roman catholics cheap. He certainly had never done so, and his right hon. friend was mistaken. He had said, that if what was called catholic emancipation was granted without some other measures in favour of the poorer classes, it might excite envy and jealousy in them. The benefits to them they would consider as not running pari passu with those to their superiors, and certainly without some caution what was intended to promote harmony, might become the excitement to contention. But what did the bill proposed by the late administration in favour of the catholics do? It certainly did a great deal indeed, when it proposed to abolish the restriction on the Roman catholic officer when he came to a certain rank; an officer who stood in this singular situation, that he rose till he had an opportunity of doing some act worthy of preferment; and however great the services he might perform, there he stopped, and the disabilities under which he laboured damped his ardour, and rendered him less fit or disposed for enterprize and exertion. The unfortunate catholic officer might, therefore, be said to rise to his degradation. The removal of such restrictions were doing much, and the best effects would certainly have followed from the adoption of such a measure. Was it not better to put confidence in the Irish than to bind them down by restrictions? The enemy might hope to break their chains, but they could not expect to turn towards them those hearts that had been conciliated by kindness and confidence. Instead, therefore, of putting them on trial, his wish certainly

would be, to give them the benefits of the constitution before they mustered in the field. Instead of the yoke of slavery, he would hang the privilege of the constitution about their necks, and arm them with their rights. Without this, it was impossible to expect that the Irish catholics should be so cordial in their loyalty and attachment to the constitution as they would otherwise be. He had heard nothing more that appeared to him to require any particular observation. But he again repeated, that if no other good effect should result from this motion, than an acknowledgment on the part of parliament, of the importance of the subject, the motion ought to be adopted. Charles the First asked Selden, "What was the best way to put down a rebellion ?" to which Selden answered, "Remove the cause." He begged of the government to apply this answer to Ireland, and put an end to the disaffection there, by removing the cause. He would keep his word, and trespass no longer on the indulgence that had been granted him.

The house divided-for the motion 33; against it 76.

JUNE 15, 1808.

AFFAIRS OF SPAIN.

MR. SHERIDAN rose to call the attention of the house to the affairs of Spain. It had been proposed to him to put off the subject, on the ground, that the gentlemen from that country now residing here, were this day gone to partake of the hospitality of his right hon. friend the secretary of state for foreign affairs. He believed, however, with all the enthusiasm they must naturally feel on such a subject, they would be equally well entertained with his right hon. friend's dinner, as they would have been with listening to what he had to say. He could, therefore, on that ground, feel no hesitation in persevering in the motion of which he had given notice. He understood, besides, that his right hon. friend had dispatched a general belonging to Ireland, to represent him at this entertainment. That these noble foreigners would feel themselves particularly happy in the company of that gallant officer, he could have no doubt; the more especially as it was understood, that his right hon. friend had not sent him to represent himself at his hospitable board alone, but that he was also to be sent to represent this

country in fighting the battles of Spain, where he (Mr. Sheridan) was satisfied his services would be unfeigned. He begged leave to correct an idea that seemed to have gone abroad, that he meant to make an harangue or exhortation to ministers on this subject. Nothing was further from his intention. He simply meant to call the attention of ministers, and of the house, to the subject, not to lecture them into it. All that he had to say, he had communicated some days ago to his right hon. friend. The right hon. and learned gentleman opposite (Mr. Perceval), did not give credit to this; and he had also had the misfortune to fall under the odium of his hon. friend near him, as if by his present notice he had meant to save government from all responsibility on the subject. Thus, on one side, he had been suspected of wishing to injure, on the other to save from any subsequent stigma, the existing government. In neither of these conjectures, however, was there any truth. Notwithstanding the high opinion he had of the probity, zeal, ability, and estimable qualities of his hon. friend (Mr. Whitbread), and with all his promptitude for business, he could not say that he was particularly distinguished by a promptitude to go into the opinions of others, or to doubt his own judgment. His hon. friend must therefore excuse him, if he did not, on the present occasion, yield to his recommendation. He had no other desire but to bring under discussion a subject to which the attention of the people of England was called at the present important moment. He did not ask ministers to embark in any foolish or romantic speculation; but he was satisfied there never was a time, since the commencement of the French revolution, taking it for granted, that the flame would spread-there never was, he was satisfied, so great an opportunity and occasion for this country to strike a bold stroke, which might end in the rescue of the world. It might be asked, if he was inclined to trust to the conduct and prudence of ministers, why did he bring the matter before parliament? He confessed that he was not friendly to ministers; but still this was not a subject for party. He therefore wished to express his opinion to ministers, and that opinion was, that they should not deal in driblets; but if they could not do much, that they should do nothing. There never was, he believed, in this country, a government, except during the administration of his dear friend, now no more, (Mr. Fox), in which one object

only was pursued. When they should have been aiming a blow at the heart of France, there was always something else to distract the attention; when they should have been at the core of the heart, they were always found nibbling at the rind. There was hardly a single person, except his right hon. friend near him (Mr. Wyndham), and Mr. Burke, who, since the revolution of France, had formed adequate notions of the necessary steps to be taken. The various governments which this country bad seen during that period, were always employed in filching for a sugar island, or some other object of comparatively trifling moment, while the main and principal pursuit was lost sight of and forgotten. Let Spain see that we were not inclined to stint the services we had it in our power to render her; that we were not actuated by the desire of any petty advantage to ourselves; but that our exertions were to be solely directed to the attainment of the grand and general object, the emancipation of the world. He again repeated, let not our assistance be given in driblets. But he also again repeated, let it not be romantically and foolishly bestowed. Let it be seen that the enthusiasm of the people had been fairly awakened; without which our efforts could avail nothing. But if the flame were once fairly caught, our success was certain. France would then find, that she had hitherto been contending only against principalities, powers, and authorities, but that she had now to contend against a people. The right hon. gentleman said he brought nothing on for discussion; he only wished to call the attention of ministers to a subject in which the feelings of the people of this country were so deeply interested. If they acted properly, they might depend on having his most steady and sincere support. Would any man tell him that there was no use in agitating a question of this kind? Would it not be known in Spain, and would it not preserve and even rouse the spirit of the people of that country to know, that the unanimous voice of parliament, as well as of the people of Great Britain, was raised in their favour, and their cordial assistance and co-operation ready to be afforded them? Was he, then, to be told, if an opportunity should arise of affording effectual aid to Spain, that it was not of importance that the subject had been agitated in that house? He had entire confidence in the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Canning), that nothing on his part would be wanting. The crisis was the most impor