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(22) 459. [399. T.] The Prelate's mote in this place, is evidently dictated by his overweening attachment to his theory of Alliance: neither the subject nor the illustration of it calls for our regard at present.

(23) 464. [404. T.] Neal is again charged with being partial and inconsistent his supposed delinquency consists, according to Warburton, in reckoning the Bishop of Litchfield's conduct to be agreeable to law, because in favour of the Puritans, though he had before represented the Archbishop's publishing articles without the great seal as illegal, because against the Puritans. Dr. Toulmin's answer is complete: the articles, in one case, are very different from the object of the judicatory, in the other; nor does Mr. Neal decide on the legality of the measure in either in

stance.

(24) 466. [407. T.] The "quaint trash" of which the Bishop now complains, will be found in Isaac Walton's Life of Hooker, but perhaps was borrowed from Dr. Gauden, who had also "lately written and published" a memoir of that famous man. Which of these authors Warburton meant to designate as a "fantastic life-writer," I know not. But where is Neal's disingenuousness? He cites the words as they were delivered: and he must be a hasty reader, who does not perceive their import; and he a captious annotator who is offended at the introduction of them. Is not Calvinism intended by Geneva, and Arminianism by Canterbury? This language reflects not personally on either Hooker or the Archbishop.

(25) 470. [413. T.] The Prelate highly eulogizes Hooker's answer to Mr. Travers' supplication. I am not concerned to question the propriety of the eulogium, but shall merely observe that it has no reference to Neal.

(26) 481. [418. T.] I copy a part of Toulmin's note, and am sorry that I have not room for the whole of it. "Bishop Warburton," says the editor, "condemns the offering of the bill, [for a further reformation,] as such à mutinous action in the Puritan ministers, that he wonders a writer of Mr. Neal's good sense could mention them without censure, much more that he should do it with commenda

tion.' It is not easy to see," adds Dr. T., "where his Lordship found Mr. Neal's commendation of this bill : the editor can discern a bare state of the proceedings only. And, by what law, or by what principle of the constitution is the offering of a bill and the representation of grievances to the House an act of mutiny?"

To this question I will subjoin another. When the Prelate speaks of the conduct of the Puritans as mutinous, does he not lose sight of their civil privileges as subjects of England, and intimate that their obedience was to be implicit ?

(27) 482. [421. T.] Neal simply records Ballard's language, but is not responsible for its justness.

(28) 483. [422. T.] Relief the Puritans certainly needed: that they wished for a separate establishment, does not appear. (29) 488. [427. T.] Whatever Bishop W. might think or say, it is clear that the Puritans did not attempt to enlist the populace on their side, but submitted their alleged grievances to "the powers that were." Not that the language and deportment of men of either party could in all respects be vindicated.

(30) 491. [429. T.] When the Puritans declared that they assumed no authority to themselves, they perhaps meant to reflect on the authority exercised against them. I agree, however, with Dr. T., that there was, as Bishop Warburton hints, some impropriety in the disclaimer.

(31) 495. [433. T.] Could Warburton with equity or candour suppose that Neal must answer for the conclusiveness of the arguments which it became his duty to record?

(32) 496. [433. T.] The Prelate's note refers to Dr. Reynolds' letter, at the foot of the page. Whether Reynolds be right or wrong, is a consideration quite immaterial to the defence of Neal.

(33) 498. [434. T.] I may allow, at least for argument's sake, that Warburton is correct in his estimate of the nature and effect of Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity. But, here again, his opinion has no bearing on his charges against the historian of the Puritans.

(34) 508. [444. T.] "Among the divines," says Neal, "that suffer

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ed death for certain libels, was the Rev. Mr. Udal." The historian proceeds to relate the case of this individual, who died in goal, as the consequence of his long and close imprisonment. Warburton is pleased to be extremely severe on Neal for using this language, which the Prelate censures as unworthy a candid historian or an honest man.' "But," observes Dr. Toulmin, "when Udal died quite heart-broken with sorrow and grief through imprisonment and the severe treatment he met with on account of the libels, his death was as much the consequence of the prosecution commenced against him, as if it had been inflicted by the executioner." At most there was only an inaccuracy in the expression. In illustration of the editor's plea for his author, I may be permitted to make a few remarks. The late Bishop Percy having occasion to mention the death of the fourth Earl of Northumberland adds, "who fell a victim to the avarice of Henry the VIIth." Are we then to conclude from these words that the Earl had been put to death by this monarch? The truth is, the nobleman was slain in a popular insurrection produced by his attempt to carry the royal designs into execution. But is Bishop Percy's language "unworthy a candid or an honest man"? More accurate, it, assuredly, might have been.

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In 1629, Sir John Elliot was illegally committed to prison for his parliamentary opposition to the measures of the court: and Hume informs us (VII. 277), that "because Sir J. Elliot happened to die while in custody-he was universally regarded as a martyr to the liberties of England."

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Fragments of the History of Religious Denominations in Dukinfield during the last and to the middle of the preceding Century.

AN ancient Episcopal Chapel is

yet remaining in this place, now much dilapidated; the architecture of which shews it to have been erected as early as Henry the VII.'s reign. Not long after this period it became attached, as a domestic place of worship, to the mansion-house of the Dukinfield family, as the gabled front and the frogged pinnacles of the hall + denote it to be a structure of the suc ceeding reign, and a part of the roof of which rests upon the western end of the chapel. After the reformation of the church it probably never had its episcopal jurisdiction renewed, the Dukinfields then using it for family devotion, and appointing their own chaplains to officiate therein. In 1649, Colonel Dukinfield was Governor of Chester and High Sheriff of the coun

Reliques of Ancient Poetry, (5th ed.,) Vol. I. p. 97.
+ A SONNET TO DUKINFIELD HALL.
Seat of long ancestry, the wise, the brave,
The generous, the determin'd to be free,
How much, neglected mansion, now the grave
Of former greatness, owe we unto thee!
How much of legal right and liberty

(Infring'd by sov'reign rule) was then maintain'd
When civil discord and dissension reign'd,
And Patriot valour kingly power withstood,
And Freedom's robe was stain'd by patriot blood!
Here where oft met the Sabbath multitude
To pray, to praise, and hear heaven's high behest-
Ah, how profan'd! Now beasts obscene intrude,
And bats, and fowl, the sty's obstreperous guest
Pollute sepulchred dust, and violate its rest.

ty. Previous to this he had become acquainted with Samuel Eaton, a celebrated preacher in the city of Chester, to whom he offered sufficient inducement to settle him in Dukinfield. In 1650, Mr. Eaton published a work in 2 vols., entitled, "The Mystery of God Incarnate, or the Word made Flesh, cleared up. By Samuel Eaton, Teacher of the Church of Christ at Dukinfield." This book he addressed "To the faithful and dearly beloved saints of Jesus Christ in and about Chester, especially to all such who have known the doctrine, read the papers of Mr. John Knowles, and who have been his familiar hearers and followers." Mr. Eaton's congregation, it appears, chose Mr. Knowles as his successor at Chester, for which situation the latter gentleman quitted Gloucester, where he had been previously stationed. His great sin was that of Arianism, and against the influence of his opinions on that subject Mr. Eaton's work is principally directed.

The celebrity of character, and Mr. Eaton's ability as a divine, were, most likely, the temptation which induced the founder of Quakerism, the celebrated George Fox, to visit Dukinfield, as early in his life as the year 1647. He, in his Diary, Vol. I. p. 97, makes the following statement: "Passing on, I went among the professors at Dukinfield and Manchester, where I staid awhile, and declared truth among them." From the ambiguity of Fox's language, it is a point yet unascertained at what place he first became a preacher. Tradition has recorded this as the first village in which he essayed his dormant powers, and points out the place where, mounted on the stocks, he delivered his first public exhortation. Several communications appeared about two years ago in the Monthly Magazine, on the subject of Fox's early preaching; but as it is not a point of much importance, no one then claimed that distinction for Dukinfield. There is, however, great probability in this being the case, as it is evident from Fox's own account of his early life, that his intention in travelling from place to place, was to converse with those men most eminent for their piety and superior sanctity of character. His mind likewise appears to have been early imbued with the

ideal susceptibility of supernatural impressions. Hence any extraordinary occurrence connected with the manifestation of such pretensions was sure to fix his attention. In this view, somewhere in this neighbourhood, he was induced to visit a woman who pretended to a longer fast than hers of Tutbury, but the imposture of whose character, as he himself relates, he soon detected. His early opponents describe him as first emerging from obscurity at Manchester. The author of the "Snake in the Grass," in the preface to his "Essay concerning the Divine Right of Tythe," describes him as a journeyman to a shoemaker in Manchester, "who, from going on foot, and often barefoot, mounted by his preaching trade on horseback, with his man carrying his cloak before him, to act the gentleman, and leaving £1000 behind him for printing his books." So it appears he first drew attention as a sectary, in that age of sectarian fecundity at Manchester. Dukinfield being only seven miles from that town, and being mentioned by himself, in connexion with it, he is most likely to have first tried those talents here, the force of which every part of the kingdom afterwards became acquainted with. The house is yet standing in which the Friends' meetings were first held, but we have now no members of that persuasion resident in the place.

From this time, and during the Protectorate, and to the termination of the Stuart dynasty, opposition to episcopal authority, appears to have had much influence in the religious principles and conduct of the inhabitants of this neighbourhood.

The accession of William and Mary to the throne brought with it toleration to Dissenters, and the history of Dukinfield Chapel, and the succession of its ministers, which appeared in the Monthly Repository, XVIII. p. 681, brings the Presbyterian establishment in this village down to the present period.

The United Brethren, or Moravians, in the year 1743, formed a small society here, which was supplied with labourers (preachers) from SmithHouse and Fulnec, in Yorkshire; but the present meeting-house was not completed until 1751, and the choir houses in 1757. The chapel having

been built at the sole expense of Mr. William Walker, he procured it to be licensed as a place of worship, and a donation, amounting to half the expense of the original cost of the building, being afterwards made by Mr. Barham, Mr. Walker gave the congregation immediate possession of the whole. This building, in the lapse of time, became too small for the auditors who attended it, and an addition of nearly one half more room was made to it in 1774 by Mr. Walker, and with his usual generosity devoted to the society. In 1785, this congregation removed to Fairfield, a neat village, built by them on a plan of the utmost regularity, about half way from this place to Manchester. The establishment there has become one of the most conspicuous belonging to the Brethren in the kingdom.

Of other sects this township is not altogether unfruitful. A Calvinist chapel was erected here in the year 1806; one for the Methodists, near Stayley Bridge, in 1812; and one for the Roman Catholics is now lately roofed in.

Difference of opinion being the result of a very imperfect state of knowledge, while the imperfection of the one continues, uniformity in the other must not be expected. But surely the time is not far distant when Christians will more perfectly agree to differ. We no longer contend about the use of the surplice, or the gown, the band or the velvet cap, as requisites for the decoration of a preacher. The attitudes of kneeling, standing or sitting at the communion table, have no longer volumes devoted to ascertain the propriety of each as superior to the other. Could we say so much for the forty and five baptismal shades of distinction, by which some Christians choose to designate themselves, the press would be freed from much superfluous matter. But this conclusion is unquestionable-while the great Head of the Church permits his followers to indulge such variety of sentiment on subjects of religion, all have an equal claim and title to assemble together for the purpose of instructing one another. Hence the propriety of places of worship being set apart for that purpose, and if this neighbourhood has a greater variety of such places than others can boast of, their

prevalence, may be traced to that firm and enlightened spirit by which our ancestors became the defenders, the victims and the conquerors of Christian liberty in the great struggle of Nonconformity. W. HAMPSON.

Memoirs of Samuel Pepys, Esq. (Continued from p. 454.)

THE

HE new monarchical court was no sooner established than it became a mart of corruption, women being no less industrious than men in the brokerage of iniquity.

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June 22nd, 1660.—" Mr. Hill (who for these two or three days hath constantly attended my Lord) told me of an offer of £500, for a Baronet's dignity, which I told my Lord of in the balcone of this gallery, and he said he would think of it.-Thence to my Lord's and had the great coach to Brigham's, who told me how my Lady Monk deals with him and others for their places, asking him £500, though he was formerly the King's coachmaker, and sworn to it.-23d.-To my Lord's lodgings, where Tom Guy came to ine, and there staid to see the King touch people for the king's evil.† But he did not come at all, it rayned so; and the poor people were forced to stand all the morning in the rain in the garden. Afterward he touched them in the banquetting house. With my Lord, to my Lord Frezendorfes," (Swedish Embassador,)" where he dined to-day. He told me that he had obtained a promise of the Clerke of the Acts' place for me, at which I was glad.-25th.-Thence to the Admiralty, where I met Mr. Turner, of the

* Feb. 12th, Pepys calls this " lady” simply "Monk's wife;" monarchy was not then set up. Lord Braybrooke thus annotates upon Pepys's text when he calls her "Duchesse of Albemarle," I. 97. "Anne Clarges, daughter of a blacksmith and bred a milliner; mistress and afterwards wife of General Monk, over whom she possessed the greatest influence." This lady appears again and again in the Diary, as the patron of learned men and the first personage at feasts. The Diarist speaks of her, notwithstanding, in plain

English.

For an account of this disgusting imposition on popular credulity, see Mon. Repos. VIII. 93-96, and XIV. 22.

Navy Office, who did look after the place of Clerke of the Acts. He was very civil to me and I to him, and shall be so. There come a letter from my Lady Monk to my Lord about it this evening, but he refused to come to her, but meeting in Whitehall with Sir Thomas Clarges, her brother, my Lord returned answer, that he could not desist in my business; and that he believed that General Monk would take it ill if my Lord should name the officers in his army; and therefore he desired to have the naming of one officer in the fleete.-26th.-To Backewell, the Goldsmith's, and there we chose 100l. worth of plate for my Lord to give Secretary Nicholas." I. 59, 60.

Pepys relates (June 29, 1660), that he got his warrant from the Duke to be Clerk of the Acts, but that he heard with sadness that Mr. Barlow, his predecessor in the office, was yet living, and coming up to town to look after his place. This he told "his Lord" of, who bade him get possession of his patent, and "he would do all that could be done to keep him out." Next day, he had a letter from one Turner, offering him 150%. to be joined with him in his patent, and to advise him how to improve the advantage of his place, and to " keep off Barlow." After many fears and some negociations, Pepys bought Barlow's interest, by agreeing to give him 50l. per ann., if the salary were not increased, and 100. per. ann., in case it were 350/. This was no bad bargain, as the former possessor was an old consumptive man," and the place was worth by Pepys's confession 1000. This is a specimen of the way in which the court forgot old loyalty and rewarded

new.

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The entry of July 1st shews that the Diarist got on faster with his finery than the Church of England did with hers:

"This morning came home my fine camlett cloak, with gold buttons, and a silk suit, which cost me much money, and I pray God to make me able to pay for it. In the afternoon to the Abbey, where a good sermon by a stranger, but no Common Prayer yet." I. 62.

After relating (July 5) that his brother Tom brought him his jackanapes

VOL. XX.

3 x

coat with silver buttons, he goes on to say that the King and Parliament were entertained by the city with great pomp, but alas! it was a wet day, and many a fine suit of clothes was spoiled. How it fared with the above-mentioned jackanapes coat we are left to conjecture, but there Pepys was, and he describes his humble entertainment, and the notable project of a knavish fellow-secretary. Met with Mr. Cooling, my Lord Chamberlain's Secretary, who took me to dinner among the gentlemen waiters, and after din ner into the wine celler. He told me how he had a project for all us Secretaries to join together, and get money by bringing all business into our hands" 1. 63.

Mr. Pepys always kept his eye upon. his interests at Court. The employment of his Sundays may be put in evidence. Not only did he on these days shew himself off in some new and fine article of apparel, but he also contrived frequently to worship with great, men. (We should not be very uncandid if we were to strike out the word with from the conclusion of this last sentence.) His memorandum for July 8, 1660, for example, is "Lord's Day. To White Hall Chapel, where I got in with ease by going before the Lord Chancellor, with Mr. Kipps. Here I heard very good musique, the first time that ever I remember to have heard the organs, and singing men in surplices, in my life." He adds, with a better feeling than he sometimes shews, "The Bishop of Chichester (King) preached before the King, and made a great flattering sermon, which I did not like that the clergy should meddle with matters of state." 1. 64.

Again, on the 29th of July, Pepys was at Whitehall Chapel, and his record of the day proves that the hierarchy was steadily growing. "I heard a cold sermon of the Bishop of Salisbury's, Duppa's, and the ceremonies did not please me, they do so overdo them." I. 68, 69.

The Presbyterians were not yet thrown off by the Court. Aug. 12. Mr. Calamy preached at Whitehall, and made, Pepys says, a good sermon. He says also of the old Nonconformist," He was very officious with his three reverences to the King, as others do." I. 71.

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