Monthly Repository. No. CCXXXVIII.] OCTOBER, 1825. [Vol. XX. On the Migration of Nations, the Crusades, and the Middle Ages. HE new system of social constiof Europe and Asia, and brought in by a fresh race of people on the ruins of the eastern empire, had now, during the space of nearly seven centuries, enjoyed the opportunity of displaying itself on another and greater theatre, in new relations, of developing itself in all its modes and varieties, and of passing through every different form and alternation. The posterity of the Vandals, Suevi, Alani, Goths, Franks, Burgundians, and of many others, were at length naturalized on the soil which their ancestors had entered, sword in hand; when the spirit of migration and of rapine, which had brought them into this new country, awoke in the course of the eleventh century in another form and on a different occasion. Europe requited on the south west of Asia, the swarms poured out, and the ravages inflicted, 700 years previously, by the north of that portion of the globe, but with very dissimilar fortune; for as many streams of blood as it had cost the barbarians to found perpetual dynasties in Europe, so many did their Christian children expend on the conquest of some towns and castles in Syria, that in two hundred years were to be lost for ever. The folly and madness which produced the enterprise of the crusades, and the deeds of violence which accompanied its execution, may not perhaps invite to contemplation the eye whose horizon is bounded by what is present. But if we consider these events in connexion with the ages that preceded and those which followed, they will appear too natural in their origin to excite our astonishment, and too beneficial in their results not to convert our displeasure into an entirely different feeling. If we look at its causes, this expedition of the Christians to the Holy Land is such a natural, and even necessary production of its time, that an utterly uninstructed person, with the historical premises placed If we regard its effects, we shall recognize it as the first perceptible step by means of which superstition herself began to ameliorate the evil she had so long occasioned; and there is perhaps no historical problem more clearly solved by time than this, none which the genius who spins the threads of the world's history has more satisfactorily vindicated to our reason. Out of the unnatural and enervating rest, into which old Rome plunged all the nations whom she oppressed as mistress; out of the effeminate slavery, in which she smothered the most effective energies of a numerous world, we see the human race emerging into the lawless, stormy freedom of the middle ages, in order at length to rest in the happy medium between two extremes, and advantageously to unite freedom with order, rest with activity, and variety with system. It can, indeed, scarcely be a question, whether the happy state we now enjoy (the approach of which at least we can perceive with certainty) is to be considered as gain, even when compared with the most flourishing situation of mankind at any former time; and whether we have really improved on the fairest ages of Rome and Greece. Greece and Rome could at the best give birth but to excellent Romans, excellent Greeks-these nations at their brightest epochs never elevated themselves to excellent men. The whole world, beyond Greece, was, to the Athenian, a barbarous waste; and we know that he frequently found even her general interests clash with his. The Romans were punished by their own arm for having left on the vast-extended theatre of their dominion nothing but Roman citizens ana Roman slaves. None of our states has a Roman citizenship to bestow, and, therefore, do we possess a good that no Roman, remaining such, could dare to know; and we hold it from a hand that despoiled no other to bestow it on us, and that never resumes what has once been given; we have the freedom of man; a good-how different from the citizenship of Rome! that increases in value with the number of its participators, that, dependent on no changing form of constitution, on no state revolution, rests on the firm foundation of reason and justice. The gain is therefore apparent, and the question barely this: Was there no nearer path to the goal? Could not this salutary change have been evolved with less violence from out of the Roman state, and was it incumbent on the human race to pass through the mournful period from the 4th to the 16th century? Reason cannot endure in a world of anarchy. Ever striving after concord, she rather runs the risk of defending order, with ill fortune, than of dispensing with it, with indifference. Were the national migrations and the middle ages which ensued a necessary condition of our better times? Asia may give us some explanations on this point. Why did no Grecian Republics spring up after the march of Alexander's army? Why do we see China, condemned to sad uniformity, grow old in eternal childhood? Because Alexander made conquests with humanity, because the small band of his Greeks vanished amongst the millions of the great king; because the hordes of the Mantschu were lost unmarked in enormous China. They had only subjugated men; laws and manners, religion and the state, had remained conquerors. For despotically-governed states there is no resource but destruction. Sparing conquerors supply only colonists; they nourish the sick body, and do but perpetuate disease. If the pested land be not to poison the healthy vanquisher, if the German be not to degenerate into a Roman, in Gaul, as the Greek did into a Persian, at Babylon, the form must be broken up which might be dangerous to his spirit of imitation; and on the new arena on which he has entered, he must exist as the stronger party. The Scythian desert opens, and pours forth a rude race over the east. Their path is marked with blood; towns sink behind them in ashes; with equal fury they destroy the work of men's hands, and the fruits of the field; plague and famine overtake what fire and the sword have forgotten; but life perishes, only that a better existence may spring up in its room. We will not enumerate the corpses they piled up, nor the cities they laid in ashes. They will arise the fairer beneath the hands of freedom, and a better family of men shall inhabit them. All arts of beauty and splendour, of luxury and refinement are extinct; costly monuments, founded for eternity, sink in the dust; and mad and headlong caprice roots among the fine machinery of intellectual arrangement; but even in this wild tumult, the hand of order is busy, and that portion of the treasures of the past which is suited to the future, is saved unperceived from the destructive fury of the present. A waste darkness extends itself over the wide hearth of the land, and the wretched, exhausted remains of its inhabitants can offer to a new conqueror neither resistance nor temptation. Room is now made on the stage, and a new stock possesses it already, for many a century quietly and unconsciously educating in the northern woods as a renovating colony for the exhausted west. Rude and wild are their laws and manners, but in their rough fashion they honour that buman nature which the despot, in his refined slaves, honours not. Unmoved as though still on the salic earth, and untempted by the gifts which the subject Roman offers, the Frank remains faithful to the laws which made him conqueror; too proud and too wise to receive from the hands of the unfortunate, the instruments of fortune. On the ashen heaps of Romish splendour he spreads his nomadic tents; plants his iron spear, his highest good in the conquered soil, before the very seat of judgment; and Christianity can only hope to enchain these savages by girding on the fearful sword. The And now all strangers separate from these children of nature. bridges between Byzantium and Massilia, between Alexandria and Rome, are broken; the timid merchant hastens home, and the land-uniting ship lies dismasted on the strand. waste of waters and mountains, a A night of savage manners rolls over the entrance of Europe; and this portion of the globe is closed. A tedious, painful and memorable contest now begins; the rude Germanic spirit wrestles with the allurements of a new sky; with new passions; with the quiet force of example; with the relics of overthrown Rome, besetting it in a new country with a thousand snares; and woe to the imitator of a Claudius, who thinks himself a Trajan, on Trajan's throne! A thousand peals are rung to summon him back into the Scythian wilderness. The desire of empire clashes severely with that of freedom, haughtiness with joviality; cunning strives to circumvent bravery; the fearful right of force returns, and for centuries, the reeking steel is never known to cool. A melancholy night, obscuring every head, hangs over Europe, and only a few sparks are emitted to exhibit more alarmingly the darkness left behind. Everlasting order seems to have abandoned the helm of the world, or, pursuing a remote ain, to have surrendered up the present race. But an impartial mother to all her children, she preserves their fainting weakness at the foot of the altar, and strengthens the heart with the belief of resignation against the distress she cannot avert. She confides morals to the protection of a savage Christianity, and permits the middle age to lean on the tottering crutch, which its stronger descendants will break into pieces. But in this long war, the states and their citizens are kindled; the Germanic spirit defends itself vehemently against the heart-ensnaring despotism which oppressed the too early enervated Roman; the source of freedom bursts out in a living stream, and, unconquered and fresh, the later race attains the bright age, where, at length, led by the united labour of fortune and of man, the light of thought and the force of resolve, intelligence and heroism are to unite. When Rome produced the Scipios and Fabius, she was deficient in sages to point out the aim of their virtue; when her wise men flourished, despotism had strangled its victims, and the benefit of their appearance was lost on a paralyzed age. Nor did Greek virtue survive to the enlightened times of Pericles and Alexander; and when Hacoun taught his Arabians to think, the fervour of their breats had cooled. A better genius it was that watched over new Europe. The long martial exercises of the middle ages had nursed a strong and healthy race for the sixteenth century, and educated powerful warriors to enlist under the standard of reason, now about to be unfurled. On what other spot of the earth has the head kindled the heart, and truth* supplied weapons to the arm of the brave? Where else was there ever witnessed so wondrous an appearance? Where else did maxims of the peaceful inquirer form the battle cry in murderous contests? When was selflove before silenced by the strong pressure of conviction, or when did man account that dearest which was noblest? The most exalted severity of Greek and Roman virture never soared above civil duties (never, or only in one wise man whose name is the greatest reproach of his age); the highest sacrifice ever offered by these nations in their heroic times was paid to their country. After the lapse of the middle ages alone, do we perceive in Europe an enthusiasm, that sacrifices even country to a higher mental idol. And why only here, and here only once, such a spectacle? Because in Europe alone, and at the departure of the middle ages, did the energy of the will concur with the light of intellect; here alone a still manly race was delivered into the arms of Wisdom. Through the whole circle of history, we see the unravelling of states keep up a very unequal pace with that of the mind. States are yearly plants that shed their flowers in a short summer, and from the fulness of sap, rapidly hasten to corruption; mental improvement is of slow growth, requiring a propitious climate, much care, and a long series of springs. And whence this difference? Because states are entrusted to passions, that find fuel in every breast, but improvement to the understanding, which Or what was held to be such. It was scarcely necessary to have premised, that it is not the worth of the materials, but the labour employed-the intention, not the production, that we should take into consideration. only developes itself by foreign aid; and to the chance of discoveries, the tardy offspring of time and accident. How often will the one plant bloom and fade, before the other has once attained maturity! How difficult therefore must it be for states to await the growth of knowledge! How rarely can late reason flourish with early freedom! Once only, in the whole history of the world, has Providence proposed this problem, and we have seen how she solved it. Through the long war of the middle ages she preserved political life in Europe fresh, until the material was collected for the unravelling of moral existence. Europe alone has states at once enlightened, civilized and unsubdued; in every other spot, wildness dwells with freedom, slavery with culture. But Europe alone has struggled through a thousand years of war, and nothing short of the devastations of the fifth and sixth century could have induced this long period of contest, It is neither the blood of their forefathers nor the character of their race that preserved our ancestors from the yoke of oppression, for their equally free-born brothers the Turcomans and Mantschu have bowed their necks beneath the pressure of despotism. It is not the European soil and clime that exempted them from this fate, for on this very ground and beneath the same sky, have Gauls and Britons, Etrurians and Lusitanians borne the Roman yoke. The sword of the Vandals and Huns that unsparingly mow ed down the west, and the powerful nation that occupied the cleared space and came out unsubdued from the war of ten centuries-these are the artificers of our present fortune, and thus we recognize the spirit of order in the two most alarming appearances exhibited by history, I believe this long digression requires no apology. The great epochs in history are so closely united that none can be elucidated singly, and the occurrence of the crusades is only the beginning to the solution of the problem, offered by national migration, to the philosopher of history. In the thirteenth century it is that the spirit of the world, hitherto weaving in darkness, draws aside the curtain, to display a part of his work. The heavy and troubled cloud, col lected for a thousand years around the European horizon, divides at this moment, and a clear sky breaks forth. The united misery of spiritual uniformity and political discord, of hie rarchy and feudality, full of years and exhausted by time, must prepare itself an end in its most monstrous work, in the tumult of the holy war. A fanatic zeal springs up in the closed West, and the grown-up son steps forth from the paternal house. Amazed, he gazes on other nations; on the Thracian Bosphorus, rejoices in his freedom and daring, in Byzantium, blushes at his rude tastes, his ignorance and fierceness, and in Asia, is shocked at his poverty. What he there received and brought home, the annals of Europe declare-the history of the East, if we had one, would tell us what he gave and left behind. But does it not appear as though the heroic spirit of the Frank had breathed a fleeting life into perishing Byzantium? Unexpectedly she recovers herself, and, strengthened by the short visit of the German, advances with a nobler step to death. Behind the crusader, the merchant erects his bridges, and the recovered bond between the east and west, hastily knit by the giddy confusion of war, is confirmed and perpetuated by considerate commerce. The ship of the Levant greets again its well-known waves, and its rich lading calls forth the industry of craving Europe. Soon will she dispense with the doubtful guidance of Arcturus, and with a fixed rule within herself, venture confidently on untried seas. The wants of the Asiatic accompany the European home; but here his woods know him no more, and other banners wave over his castles. Impoverished in his own land, in order. to shine on the banks of the Euphrates, he surrenders the worshiped idol of his independence and feudal autho rity, and permits his slaves to purchase with gold the rights of nature. Spontaneously he offers his arm to the fetter that adorns him, and subdues the untamed. The majesty of kings erects itself, whilst the slaves of the soil grow into men; out of the sea of devastation soon, from wretchedness, arises a new and fruitful land, civil community. He alone who was the soul of the dient heart to the feet of his ruler. The pious Pilgrim seeks, at the holy sepulchre, the pardon of sins and the joys of paradise, and to him alone is more granted than was promised. He recovers his manhood in Asia, and brings with him, from that portion of the globe, the seeds of liberty back to his European brethren-an acquisition of infinitely higher importance than the keys of Jerusalem or the nails from the cross of the Saviour. SIR, COMAR YATES. undertaking and had let all Christendom labour for his greatness, the Romisk hierarch, sees his hopes perish. Snatching at a cloud-form in the east, he gave up for lost a real crown in the west. His strength was in the weakness of kings; anarchy and civil war were the exhaustless armoury from whence he drew his thunders. Even yet he launches them, but the established might of royalty comes forth to meet them. No excommunication, no heaven-barring interdict, no absolution from sacred duties, can again dissolve the salutary ties which Enfield, bind subjects to their lawful rulers. Sept. 29, 1825. In vain does his impotent rage resist IT has, believe, been, maintained the spirit of the time which first con- by many, that our religious innostructed his throne, and now precipi- vators, when they drew up the Thirtytates him thence! By superstition nine Articles of the sect established was this phantom of the middle ages by law, purposely worded them in so begotten, and by discord nourished. ambiguous a manner as to admit of Weak as were its roots, it grew up much diversity of sentiment in its with hideous rapidity in the eleventh members, and especially in its clergy. century. No age had ever beheld its In a similar manner, notwithstanding like. Who could believe that the that a prince of the blood royal, his enemy of the most holy liberty could Royal Highness the Duke of York, ever be sent to the aid of freedom? heir apparent to the throne of the As the strife grew hot between kings United Kingdom, and that many who and nobles, he threw himself between think their interest to be involved in the unequal combatants, and main- things as they are, or who are of so tained the perilous rupture, until in timid a temper of mind as to dread all the third estate a better warrior arose idea of change lest such results may to cut off the creature of a moment. ensue as are not anticipated-notSupported by confusion, he pined withstanding the alarms and fears of away in order, the offspring of night these and their consequent misinter vanishes with the day light. But did pretation, may we not justly conclude the dictator disappear who hastened that our political innovators too, when against Pompey to the aid of pros- they drew up the form of the coronatrate Rome? Or Pisistratus, who ar- tion oath, contemplated and looked rayed against each other the factions forward to the possibility of some of Athens? Rome and Athens pass change being hereafter wished for; from civil war into slavery-new Eu- and that they therefore made use of rope travels on to freedom. Why such forms of expression as would was Europe more fortunate? Be admit changes being introduced with cause here a fleeting phantom effected, out any violation of the oath which what there an abiding power achieved; they were about to impose on that because here alone was found an arm one for whom it was first intended, of sufficient force to ward off oppres- and on all future sovereigns of these sion, but too weak to practise it. realins on ascending the British throne? Could they, while they aimed to satisfy all parties of their own day, have left a more convenient loop-hole for change, than is formed in the expressions quoted by his Royal Highness for the directly contrary purpose? How differently does man sow and fortune reap! To chain Asia to the footstool of his throne, the Holy Father surrenders to the sword of the Saracens a million of his heroic sons, but with them he has drawn away the steadiest supports of his seat in Europe. The Noble dreams of new pretensions and of the conquest of fresh, crowns, and brings back a more obe How run the words cited by the Duke of York? (P. 434.) "I will, to the utmost of my power, maintain |