Imatges de pÓgina
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Letter to the Duke of man, who defends you, is a no less scrupulous regard to decorum is unitTemarkable example of age without ed with the breach of a moral obligathe benefit of experience. To follow tion ! For my own part, my Lord, I such a writer minutely would, like his am proud to affirm, that, if I had been own periods, be a labour without end. weak enough to form fuch a friend.

The subject too has been already fhip, I would never have been base discussed, and is sufficiently understood. enough to betray it. But let Mr. I cannot help obferving, however, that, Wilkes's character be what it may, when the pardon of M‘Quirk was the this at least is certain, that, circumprincipal charge against you, it would stanced as he is with regard to the pubhave been but a decent compliment lic, even his vices plead for him. The to your grace's understanding, to people of England have too much difhave defended you, upon your own

cernment to suffer your grace to take principles. What credit does a man advantage of the failings of a private deserve, who tells us plainly that the character to establish a precedent, by facts set forth in the K-'s procla- which the public liberty is affected, mation were not the true motives on and which you may hereafter, with which the pardon was granted, and equal ease and satisfaction, employ to that he wishes that those chirurgical the ruin of the best men in the kingreports, which brst gave occasion to dom. Content yourself, my Lord, certain doubts in the R-breast, with the many advantages, wbich the had not been laid before his majesty. unsullied purity of your own characYou fee, my Lord, that even your ter has given you over your unhappy friends cannot defend your actions deserted friend. Avail yourself of all without changing your principles, nor the unforgiving piety of the Cjustify a deliberate measure of govern- you live in, and bless God that you ment without contradicting the main are not as other men are ; extortioners, assertion on which it was founded. unjult, adulterers, or even as this pub

The conviction of M‘Quirk had lican. In a heart ycid of feeling, the reduced you to a dilemma, in which laws of honour and good faith may be it was hardly possible for you to re- violated with impunity, and there you concile your political interest with may safely indulge your genius. But your duty. You were obliged either the laws of England fall not be vioto abandon an active useful partisan, even by your holy zeal to opor to protect a felon from public jul- press a finner; and though you have tice. With your usual fpirit, you succeeded in making him the tool, preferred your interest to every other you thall not make him the victim of consideration; and with your usual your ambition. judgment, you founded your determi

JUNIUS. nation upon the only motives, which Mould not have been given to the A Description of a most superb Saddle, public.

Bridle, and Caparison for an Arabian I have frequently censured Mr. Horse, lately fent 10 Bengal, on Board Wilkes's conduct, yet your advocate

the Duke of Grafton East-Indiaman ; reproaches me with having devoted which were fewn to their Majesties myself to the service of sedition. Your

and the Prince of Mecklenburgh grace can best inform us, for which Strelitz, at the Queen's Palace, by of Mr. Wilkes's good qualities you the ingenious Artis Mr. Cox, of Shoefirst honoured him with your friend

Lane. ship, or how long it was before you HE saddle, which is of crimson discovered those bad ones in him, at

in which it seeins your delicacy was of- thape, with a crane's neck pommel; fended. Remember, my Lord, that it is richly quilted over the seat with you continued your connexion with gold, and in all other parts finely emMr. Wilkes long after he had been broidered with large pearls, diamonds, convicted of thole crimes, which you and emeralds. have fince taken pains to represent in The housing both for the back and the blackest colours of blasphemy and front, is also of crimfon velvet emtreason. How unlucky is it that the broidered, in the most sumptuous first instance you have given us of a manner poslivle, with upwards of four

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1769. Superb Saddle and Bridle described.

201 teen thousand pearls, diamonds, and -- and the whole executed in the most precious stones, formed into flowers, masterly and elegant manner possible. Jaurels, and palm branches, with leaf and open-work, exclufive of near fifty To the Freeholders of England in general ounces of pearls of various fizes, em- and those of the County of Middlesex ployed in taffels and other ornaments, in particular. hanging in rows on each fide the Gentlemen, mane, and round the borders of the e HE contest between the frees housing, with fringes of gold extremea holders of Middlesex and the ly rich, adding greatly to the splendour H. of C. is truly constitutional, it reof the ornaments.

lates immediately to the rights of freeTo the point of the saddle (which is holders and the privileges of parliaset with pearls and jewels) a matchless ment. : A question of sach a nature, large topaz is suspended; it is two and of fuch importance, cannot be inches wide, by two and a quarter treated with too great a degree of le. long, weighing upwards of three riousness and care. On the one ade ounces, perfectly clean, and of great are the freeholders of the first county luftre; it is set with a border of dia- in England, and on the other no less a monds tied with a knot of jewels, to body than the H. of C. which is fixed a strong ring, that hangs

The freeholders of Middlesex think it to the saddle.

they have a right, as frechoiders, The bridle, which consists of many to chule whom they please to be capital stones and pearls, set in the their representative in parliament, not Eastern talte, in flowers, half moons disqualitied by law. The H. of C. and itars, hanging in various rows think they have a right to expel from round the bridle, is linked together with their body any person (though not dischains of rubies, extremely rich and qualified by law) who appears to them elegant. Upon the head is a globe, unworthy of a seat in that house. or ball, of three inches diameter, con- This I take to be the true, the extrived to fix with great security, and act point of difference between the to take off with ease, by pushing down freeholders of Middietex and the H. of a spring by which it is faitened to the C. I will not suppose either to be fachead-piece of the bridle; in the mid- tious and seditious, or either to be vedle of it is a feather of ruby, with nal and corrupt. I will suppose each towers and ornaments extremely rich fide to be influenced only by good moand elegant. To hang under the neck tives, and to be actuated only by right is a globe or ball of ruby, and below it views. The freeholders in pursuit of a large tafel of pearls.

their rights, and the commons in lupThe breast-piece to surround the port of their privileges, and, for a mochest has in the front an ornament of ment, that they are alike open to condiamonds, rubies, emeralds, and pearls; viction. in the center a very large and fine I only with I were better qualified amethyst; and on both sides, to the to write on tnis point than I am. I corners of the saddle, half moons and think it however may duty to give my ftars are suspended at equal distances, opinion on it, and to give it with all extremely rich and elegant.

the clearness and perfpicuity I am able. The martingale, crupper, and girth, Were the H. of C. a voluntary sociare made to correspond in richneis and ety, a society which formed tielf, it elegance with the rest of the ornaments; could not admit a doubt but that, like the stirrups, which are of filver gilt, all other such focieties, they would are finely wrought, and see with jewels. have a right to receive or expel just

The bit is of tempered steel, strong- whom they pleased; but this is not ly jointed, plated with silver and over- the constitution of the H. of Ç.; the laid with gold, so as not to be subject H. of C. is not a voluntary society to rust or canker. The large bosses whose powers are derived from itself, on each side are curiously made, and it is an elected society only, and inclustered with diamonds, rubies, and `velted orly with a delegated power. pearls.

The question then is, from whom do the The curb is also curiously made of H. at C. derive to themselves the privin tempered fteel, and overlaid with gold; lege of expelling the member they

disapprove ?

April, 1769.

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The History of Party

Apri disapprove? they do not derive it

Were a peerage to be conferred on from themselves, for they are not a papist, or one who refuses to tak voluntary society: If they be pofleffed the oaths which the law requires, th of this privilege, it must have been de- lords would be justified in refufing legated to them; but who ever dele- admit him to a seat in their house gated to them such a power? Did the but if no legal objection can be urged Freeholders of York ever delegate to against him, the lords I apprehen their representatives a right of fitting have no right to urge any other, bu in judgment upon the just and legal must admit him. return of the county of Devon ?

In like manner were the freeholder Suppose all the freeholders in the of any county to chuse a person to b kingdom, except those of a single their representative in parliament, no county, to be of opinion that A. B. is qualified according to law, the Com not worthy of a seat in parliament, mons in that case certainly bave a righe but that the freeholders of one county to reject him, or rather they have a are of opinion that he is, I lould be right to admit him among them ; ba glad to know whether the freeholders if the freeholders chuse a person pro of that county ever delegated to the perly qualified according to law,' le other freehoiders any right or power his private or general charactez be to put a negative upon their choice? what it will, I apprehend the CIt is absurd to suppose that such a have no more right to refuse him bi power could ever be delegated, or that feat in their house, than the Lord it ever could exist; and if such a have to refuse a peer bis seat in theirs. power does not exist even in the free. The king only, by the conftitution holders themselves, much less can it and laws of England, can delegate ever exist with those whose power is right to a seat in the House of Lords derived only from their delegation. the people only to a seat in the house o

It appears to me that the right of Commons: and supposing no legal in the people to chuse their reprelenta- capacity belonging either to the nex tives, and the right of the crown to created peer, or the new elected burgers create peers, are very similar. The or knight of the thire, I do apprecrown may create any Englishman, be- hend neither the Lor C— have, ing a protestant, and taking the oaths from the constitution, the least rigt: prescribed by law, a peer of the realm, to object to the choice, and much ler and delegate to him a right to a seat to set it aside. and vote in the house of lords : and the · I may indeed be mistaken in this people legally intitled to voie, may opinion, but if they have such a right, chuse any man to be their representa- it then follows the king cannot create tive in parliament who is duly quali. a peer, nor the people chuse their own fied according to law.

representatives.

The HISTORY OF PARTY during the PRESENT REIGN.

Continued from p. 124. NOT TOTWITHSTANDING the tor- administration. It is true the privee

rent of invective so universally seal, which was the department he poured out upon Lord Cm, for thought proper to fill immediately, was having deserted his old connexions, nothing more than a file place, and and for having condescended, as his could consequently be no way ofter tienemies declareci, to act a subordinate ble for capital errors. But still his character under the auipices of Lord lardship, who had formed the miniftry, B-, it was fill in his power, not could reasonably claim the privilege only to recover the good opinion of of directing it and as the duke of G. the people, but to liave acquired, if whom he had appointed to preside at poslitle, a more extensive thare of this the treasury-board, declared the most good opinion, on his re-acceptance of unreserved readiness to act upon alloc. ofice, than he had ever poflefed in calions in conformity to the earl's opithe most brilliant periods of his former nion, it was a neceflary consequence

that

1769.
During the present Reign.

203 that the inferior members of the ca. taken by the short administration of binet would thew an equal deference to Lord Rockingham, had, in a great his sentiments. Besides this, Lord C. measure, afforded that harmony bethough the object of general execration tween the mother country and her among the various parties out of power, colonies, which is indispensibly necela was still exceedingly popular among all sary for their mutual prosperitythe friends of America. On the re- the channels of reciprocal commerce, peal of the Stamp Act, he had exerted which had been choaked up by the himself so strenuously in favour of the ridiculous restrictions of Mr. G. Gi's measure, that he was actually idolized preposterous policy, were once more by all his fellow subjects beyond the opened, and we began to flatter ourAtlantic. Statues were decreed to his selves with an expectation of balcyon honour in most of our American pro- days, when the caprice of the very yinces, and they hailed him unani individual to whom America professed mously as political Saviour of their herself most particularly obliged, again country.

revived our unhappy animosities, and With the advantage of so confidera. attempted to thackle immediately peoble a body as all the friends of Ame- ple whom he had lately rescued from rica to support him, numerous as Lord chains. C-m's enemies were every where To speak without a metaphor, tho acknowledged, still it was in his power the Ainerican ftamp act was repealed by a tolerable consistency of conduct by parliament from a clear conviction to triumph over all opposition, and to of its inequity, and though Mr. Pbuild his administration upon a basis had himself in the House of Commons Ao less honourable to himself than ade particularly insisted that taxation and vantageous to the kingdom-unhap- representation were wholly inseparable, pily however, consistency was not the still the jufice which was done to the most remarkable characteristic of colonies, Mr. P- looked upon as a this great nobleman--.on the contrary, favour conferred upon them, and from the whole tenour of his public con- an extraordinary refinement in poliduct, from his earliett engagement tics he confounded the idea of right with business, was a round of the most with the idea of obligation; the colopalpable contradiction : continually nies had only been released from 2 averse when out of power to the hardship not distinguished by an principles which he implicitly adopted indulgence, we had not in the rewhen in place, he seemed a perfect peal manifested any marks of geneepitome of his country-magnanimous rosity, we had only ceased to be opo but mutable, fiery but firm, and up- presive; we had been merely honest, right but ungovernable-a scheme not liberal, and we had only discononce conceived, was executed in the tinued the exercise of an authority, very vehemence of the first conception, which we considered equally injurious and though perfectly able to weigh to our interest and our honour, and both cause and the consequence, he equally repugnant to the principles seldom allowed himself time for deli. of reason and the dictates of humaberation.—The temper of the pre- nity. sent moment, always decided the Yet, though the repeal appeared propriety of the present action, and in this light to every dispassionate in the same manner that he for- Englishman, and though it was not merly carried the continental con- sollicited only by the Americans, but nexions, which he himself had re- by all the commercial inhabitants of peatedly condemned, to a much the mother country, still the adminise greater latitude than any other minis. tration imagined that our fellow subter; so the moment the administra- jects beyond the Atlantic might very tion we are speaking of was formed, reasonably bear a new oppression as a he prepared to lay still more intole- mark of gratitude, for our having gra. rable burdens upon the unfortunate ciously condescended to remove an Americans than the very oppression oldone-instead, therefore, of improve from which he had recently asisted to ing the happy moment of concord, deliver them.

they absurdly renewed, though in a The prudent and salutary meafures more confined degree, the fatal system

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April which had been lately condemned by of reasoning is so specious that it has the solenn voice of parliament, nay inflamed the minds of many well meanmaterially by their own efforts, and ing people against the Americans, the colonies, who thought a change of and induced them to consider that spirit oppressors no extraordinary advantage, an actual argument of rebellion, appearing very much difatisfied at this which was animated solely by the voice fresh attempt up in their freedom, of justice and the feelings of humanithe miniltı y accu'cu them of the most ty. - We are told that the Americans scandalous ingratitude to their bene- are the creatures of our own forma. factors, and prepared by an armed tion, the work of our ow, hands, force to gain that fubmiflion from and we are told that their existence their fears, which they could by was originally derived from our geneno means obtain from their inclina. rolity - admitting all this to be true, tions.

yet let us ak from what motives we The coercive measures against the first exercised this generosity, and from Americans gave the enemies of admi- what moiives we have hitherto judged nistration an ample field for invective, proper to continue it? Was it for and wholly eitiainget the affection their fake or for our own? Was it for of the colonies and of all the people the emolument of a new found world, immediately intereited in their wels or for the advantage of our own fare from Lord C-, who now being country? These questions are very weary of business, disgusted with the simple, but they are at the same time neglect which his coadjutors foon dil. very necessary, and no candid member covered of bim, unwilling to einbroil of the community will deny but that himself any further with America, or self-interest was the primary source unable to ttend the tide of popular of our extensive colonization; we saw clamour, which rolled in continually regions admirably adapted to all the upon the ministry, thought proper to purposes of commerce, and we wished resign the privy leal, which was given to have the commerce of these regions to Lord B-1, and the once celebrated in our hands-obut they were unpeocommoner retired, like another Cincin- pled, and they were consequently un. natus, to his farm, but not with an cultivated; we therefore endeavoured equal Mure of public approbation to fill them with inhabitants, and we his retreat was every where mentioned used every argument, and every tempo with pily or wirb ridicule, and a gene. tation that could induce our own ral order came from the various places fellow subjects, or the subjects of other which had decreed itatues to his ho- nations, to settle in these extensive de. nour, to countermand those extraor- serts; we gave them rewards, we gave dinary teftimonies of general venera- them immunities, and even at this tion.

moment we spare the forfeited lives The present administration being so of many capital criminals on purpose materially inftrumental in renewing to effect the population of our settlethe feuds of America, and the welfare ments from the unremitting atten. of the colonies being of the last impor- tion, from the extraordinary encour. tance to the people of this country, it agement which we thus manifeft, and may not be unnecellary in this place thus hold out for emigrants, it is to lay atew words in favour of a vrave, pretty plain that our own advantage a generous, yet hardly treated people is our only spring of action, and that who have few literary advocates, and unleis we expected to find our account whole only crime is their ambition in the undertaking, we should never to maintain ihe birthright privileges once trouble ourlelves about the estaof Englishmen.--Ths advocates of go- blithment of colonies if this is the vernment have for lome time very art- cale, in what manner are the Ameri. fully endeavoured to make the cause cans obliged to us ?--we have cheof ille miniltry the national caure, riched them for our own endsand to perfuade us, that when the co- we have protected them for our own Jonies appear in patient under the se. purposes, and we may just as well inverity of the min iterial yoke, that they list in times of war, that we confer a are impatiene to throw off the autho mighty favour upon the soldiers and rity oi the mother country-this mode sailors to whoin we give pay, though

we

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