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and they were amongst the first to in which the opposing parties point out the propriety of admit. were engaged, and saw much ting the Roman Catholics to the stronger grounds of alarm than of full enjoyment of the elective fran- satisfaction in the conduct of either chise, as a means of consolidating side. And they were consequently its recently acquired independence, very desirous that the real friends and of interesting every portion of liberty should withbold their of the inhabitants in pursuit of support from any administration the much wished reform.
which might be formed, until the For a time they concurred in members should decidedly declare applauding the principles and their resolution to bring forward conduct of Mr. Fox; and again and carry into effect a substantial in condemning bis apparent deser. reform in the constitution of the tion of those principles, on the ill. House of Commons. fated coalition with Lord North, Mrs. Jebb’s sentiments on the in 1783. And yet, when Dr. transactions of this important crisis Jebb, in a desponding moment, have fortunately been preserved, was lamenting that great man as in her correspoudence with Major irretrievably lost to the cause of Cartwright, the steady and consis. freedom, his wife encouraged him tent advocate of ihe people's never to despair; “ for Mr. Fox, rights. she was convinced, on some happier occasion would prove him. been such confusion or such conduct,
“ Never," she observed, “has there self sull worthy of bis former since Charles's time: every body has fame."
been alarmed. Such folly mismanageBut they were very far from nient, and Stuart-like liehaviour, was being deluded by the specious pre- again, nor can I see how any minisery
very near bringing in the old ministry tences of Mr. Piut, whose sincerity can stand, as things are at present, unthey doubted, and whose new less they will come to the people. connections they deemed on the Cæsar has trievids, and Pompey has whole as objectionable as those in friends, but few are friends to Rome :** which his rival was involved. As a the above.t-1 hope the counties will
every hour of the day am I reminded of reformer, indeed, Dr. Jebb had awake out of their sound sleep some approved Mr. Pitt's early exer. time ; but at present I see not the least tions, and, on his first appearance disposition, and what is worse. I do not as a candidate to represent the them. One party wants to call the to
see any set of men inclined to rouse University of Cambridge, had tention of the people to the unconstitu. given him a decided support: but tional interference of the king; which, afterwards, on his elevation to the by the bye, the people here are ready
enough to notice, and the other would premiership, he saw so much to have the people join the king to deliver disapprove in his proceedings, that he was actually hesitating to vote for him, when Mrs. Jebu observed,
• In allosion to the indignant comthat
plaint of Cato “ Cæsar hath triends and as he promised fairly, she Pompey hath friends but none are thought a fair trial at least should friends to Rome."-See Givr us Our be given him.”
Rights, a tract by Major Cartwright, They were also sufficiently published in 1782, p.1 and also Sir aware, that it was a contest for the same, in 1812 ; p. 41.
Letters to the Marquis of Tavistock, by power rather than for principle, + 21st Dec. 1783.
Memoirs of Mrs. Jebb. him from a faction. But I see every day that such majority does not speak the more and more the necessity of forming voice of the people.The Doctor took an association of the friends of the peo- some steps this morning about a meetple, independent of any party whatever: ing here ; but our party are a rope of an association which should make their sand, and we do not know where to find own terms before they joined either them, nor whether any one would supCæsar or Pompey. From the conversa- port us: and if it failed many would tion of many independent people, I think throw all the blame on the Doctor, for the time is approaching which would be their conduct gives os no reason to esvery favourable to this idea, for the cry pect favourt. We are endeavouring to is, ' Cæsar is wrong and Pompey is revive the cause of the people, by get. wrong,' and surely if the people would ting a meeting of the Delegates called but know their own consequence, they for Monday morning, and after that to might in time make their own choice, call a Quintuple ; but if the people do and dictate to either :-What have we not come to their senses before chat time, been doing all this time, but endeavour. I shall cremble for the consequence. As ing to effect what the Revolution did yet, I am not without hope, that if the not do-to restore the constitution. The Union should take place, for so it is to Revolution pulled down one sovereign be called, because the word Coalition has and set up another. Boh parties talk become odious, there are many who will of supporting the coustitution, and of sec chat the two parties having joined for their Revolution principles. But it is their own interest, are not very likely to the business of the friends of liberty, at pay any regard to that of the people, this important crisis, to do something and therefore that it will be highly nefor the people, and to make future revo. cessary for them also to form a union in lutions unnecessary. We, therefore, support of their own rights. 1-And as who mind a reform more than any party at the best we may expect that the updisputes, and think nothing gained un per regions will be very cloudly, and that less we restore the constitution, must do the sun will shine very little upon us, what we can to keep the affair alivet.- without a storm of some sort or other, I am determined if possible never to de- our only hope is that it may be of such spair of the commonwealth : and I al- a nature as to purify St Stephen's before ways endeavour to persuade others to there is too great á calm.s-If Parliamake the same resolution. If a particle ment should be dissolved, and the people, of despair was in my nature, it would for fear of disturbing the elections, or not fail to shew itself at such a time as hurting a favourite candidate, or some this. The whole attention of the pub. such nonsense, do not call out for a relic is taken up with the wranglingo of form, we are ruined and undone. We the two parties, the doubcs of a dissolu. think that if the Parliament be dissolved tion, and now also with the idea of a the king should say, it is because it does general coalition. But what can we cx- not speak the sense of the people. If pect from a grand coalition of all the General Cunningham, it appears, bas abilities in the kingdom, meaning you assured the Irish House of Commons know the abilities of the two Houses, that the present ministers would be but that, when they feel their own found as unfriendly to a Parliamentary strength, they will plunder the East, reform as their predecessors had been, at and enslave this nation at their leisure ? which the House seemed well pleased. For as to the two Bills, Mr, Fox's was a The Doctor transcribed the whole pas subversion of the constitution, and Mr. sage from an Irish paper, and sent it to Pitt's will certainly put it into the power Mr. Pitt, with his own sentiments upon of the king to subvert it. If we have it,and gave him to understand chat many no more coalitions, I think we shall be persons would be very indifferent who able to persuade one party that it is their was minister, if the septennial bill was interest to reform: and indeed, I do not repealed, and a substantial reform not see how Pitt can attempt to stand upon any other idea ; for the majority
• 22d Jan. 1784. being against him, his only excuse is + 26th Jan. 1784.
i egch Jan. 1784.
23d Feb. 1784. † 17th Jan, 1784.
3d March, 1784.
* 140 h Jan. 1794.
in the representation procured. *-The lerance, they deprecated the conIrish House of Commons have given tinuance of the slave-trade, and leave to bring in a Bill for a reform; but the imposition of any restraints or it is thought it will be thrown out : for they say the crown as well as the penalties for a difference of reli. parliament has shewn its disapprobation gious faith. No disappointments, of the measure. The idea of letting the no illiberal aspersions could narRoman Catholics have some share in the choice of representatives is gaining row the philanthropy of their ground; and if they do take them in, no hearts : looking forward in the administration can stand long against firm persuasion that under the such united force. But with us the care of a presiding providence all king's name becomes too common, and the majesty of the people is almost for- things would ultimately and in. gotten. I tell you then once more, we fallibly terminate in good. must push the association with all our Mrs. Jebb's affection for her disorder of the times; it must be taken love of freedom and of virtue, was might; it is the grand specific for the husband, thus identified with her or we dic."'+ These
unimpaired by the lapse of years. passages, selected from a
But a union of this deep and inti. very interesting series of Mrs. Jebb's letters, sufficiently display tunately closed.
mate nature was too soon unforthe accuracy and justice of her tunately closed. Dr. Jebb, whose views, and their strict accordance had brought on a premature decay
professional and public exertions with those plans of constitutional in his constitution, was sinking improvement, which her husband was labouring to advance.
fast in a decline, and his afficted On their return from an excur
wife, after attending him in a
fruitless excursion to Cheltenham sion to Buxton in the autumn of 1784, their attention was again with most anxious solicitude, and
for relief, watched over his pillow directed to the great cause of par- received his last sigh on the evenliamentary reform, whilst from the alarming proceedings of the ing of March 2, 1786.
As Mrs. Jebb's strength of mind government in Iceland, they were induced to form no very favourable
was only equalled by the tender. presage of the intentions of the justly estimate ber grief.
ness of her sensibility, few can
She ministry at home.
had lost not merely a husband, in a discussion of the RIGHTS OF JURIES, and the LAW OF LI
a partner in a common interest; BELS, from the memorable case her guide, philosopher and friend.
but her guardian and protector, of the Dean of St. Asaph; and Yet'she had the remembrance of the importaut questions which his talents and his virtues to conthat case involved. They took, sole her, which few but those if possible, a still more lively in. who like her possessed a congenial terest in the benevolent design of
And with improving the construction and spirit could enjoy.
this consolation she rose superior management of prisons, and of mitigating the severities of the
to her loss, whilst through life she penal code. And as ihe decided invariably spoke of him, though
still without repining, in language enemies of oppression and into.
of the deepest regret. • 6th March, 1784.
She continued, however, on 24th March, 1784.
terms of the strictest intimacy
604 Penal Laus which aggrieve the Catholics of Ireland. with his surviving friends ; with ral canse of parliamentary reform, Mr. Brand Hollis whom he highly By degrees, as she formed new esteemed; Dr. Disney his like. quaintance, she also gained new minded and faithful biographer; friends ; for few persons were at Mr. Lofft his much devoted pupil; any time introduced to her society Mr. Lambert his strenuous adhe, without wishing to cultivate her rent in the affairs of the Univer. esteem. She was ever easy of sity; Mr. Jennings one of his access, and the friends of freedom earliest associates in the Unitarian and humanity, when duly recom. congregation; Major Cartwright mended to her notice, were always his supporter in the scheme of welcome guests. equal representation; and Mr.
[To be concluded in our next.) Wyvill his coadjutor in the gene.
EXTRACTS FROM NEW PUBLICATIONS.
Penal Laws which aggrieve the alone bears the whole burden. Catholics of Ireland.
Now, the proprietors, or lords in
fee, of the lands in Ireland, are [From A Statement, &c. Part II. continued from our last No. p. 549.]
(as to about four.fifth parts) pro.
testant noblemen, gentry, and corCHAP. VII. of the Laws which disqualify Catholics, Dissenters, and others,
porations; the residue belongs to the Catholics from voting at Pa- Next, the bolders of the interme. rish Vestries.
diate tenures between the propriThe lands of Ireland are almost etors and occupiers are, probably universally occupied by tenants in pretty equal portions, Protes. holding separate tracts, under tants, Catholics, and Dissenters. leases, generally subject to con. These intermediate tenures have siderable yearly rents, and for necessarily arisen from the state terms of lives or years. There is of Ireland during the last one probably no instance (although hundred years; its provincial sinot uncommon in England) of a tuation; the absence, the indofarmer, cottager, or peasant, in lence, or the prudence of the proIreland, being also the absolute prietors: the industry, skill and owner (whether in fee.simple, or intelligence of the resident lessees. by copyhold, or otherwise) of the They are of considerable value; land which he cultivates. Be. fluctuating according to local cir. sides his yearly rent, he is also cumstances, the duration of the chargeable with all tithes, parish lease, &c. They are very prorates, county cesses, public taxes, ductive of profit rents; especially and other outgoings. No part of if granted previously to the general these taxes falls upon the proprie- rise in the value of lands in Ire. tor of the soil, or upon any of the land ; and, in the instances of very persons deriving intermediate in early date, they are intrinsically terests between the proprietor and more valuable than the interests the actual occupier : the latter which the very proprietors enjoy
in the soil. Hence, they form a many instances, bestowed pros. large proportion of the incomes of perity upon that course of indus. the geutry and middle classes of try, which otherwise seemed desinhabitants, far exceeding any perate-the result of penal law, estimate that can be formed trom and the resource of mere nécessi. the value or extent of similar te- ty. Such being the present con. nures in England. Thirdly, the dition of landed property in Ireoccupying tenants, who are sub- land, we proceed to state the ject to che last and heaviest rents. principles of taxation upon which They consist almost wholly of this property is legally rated, and Catholics. Certainly it is not too the proportion of rate which is much to affirin, that such is the charged upon the landholders, fact in 199 instances out of 200. farmers, collagers, and peasants Nor can this fact appear strange that is to say, upon the Catholics, to any person, who reflects upon the natural effects of the popery A parish vestry signifies an aslaws, enacted a century, ago. sembly of the whole parish, met These laws expelled the Catholics together in some convenient place, frum cities and towns, and com- for the dispatch of the affairs and pelled them to dwell in the open business of the parish. All inba. country: to take lands at high bitants of the parish who 'pay rates, and for short terms; at rents church rates, or scot and lot, and not less than two-thirds of the fuil also all out-dwellers-who-0€cupy improved yearly value, and for land in the parish, have a right, terms not exceeding, 31 years. properly, to rote in the vestry; These laws, which reduced some and the role of the majority of Catholics to beggary, taught in. persons present, at a regularimeet. dustry 10 others; whilst they in. ing, binds the whole parish. Such flicted poverty and penury, they is the constitution of a vestry at also inculcated labour and fruga- common law. In Ireland, this lity. The 'atholics learned, in constitution had remained sound, their bumiliation and necessities, and unimpaired by religious into to endure the miseries of their lerance, until the year 1725, when condition:. 10 live :sparingly and it was first thought proper to exsqualidly; to offer higher rents: clude the Catholics, by law, from to accept of smaller profils: fo vestries held for the repairing or risk heavy losses and frequent dis- (rebuilding of churches, appointments : in fine, to submit : In, 1793- this exclusion was to numberless privations, which re-enacted by a clause in the well. the cherished and comfortable known statute; entitled. " An Protestant had no oceaşiun to un. act for the relief of bis Majesty's dergo. Hence, the Carbalics na. Roman Catholic subjects in Ire. turally became the vec upying te. land." These statutes, and others nanis; they hai cultivated the yet to be noticed, have effectually science of making rent, and could altered the ancient constitution of therefore undertake to outbid all a vestry; insomuch that, at this competition. The unforeseen and day, a vestry in Ireland consists, accidental causes which have since not of all the inhabitants and raised the value of lands, have, in land occupiers within the parish, VOL. VII,