have commanded you to sacrifice. Cyprian the bishop answered: I do not sacrifice. Galerius • Maximus said: Be well advised. Cyprian the bishop answered: Do as thou art commanded. • In so just a cause there needs no consultation. The proconsul having advised with his council, spoke to Cyprian in angry terms, as being an enemy to the gods, and a seducer of the people., And then read his sentence out of a tablet: It is decreed, that Thascius Cyprian be beheaded. Cyprian the bishop said: God be praised.'

That is the account in the Acts of his Passion, which I have translated literally: and Pontius writes to the like purpose. Cyprian was then led away to the field of Sexti, a large level spot of ground, encompassed with trees, the boughs of which were then loaded with spectators. And in the presence of a great multitude of people Cyprian was there beheaded, according to the sentence pronounced upon him on Sept. 14, in the year of Christ' 258.

VII. I have set before my readers some authentic memoirs of Valerian's persecution from Dionysius of Alexandria, and Cyprian of Carthage. There is another remarkable story in Eusebius, which must not be omitted.

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d

In the mean time,' says Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical History, when peace had been re'stored to all the churches every where, Marinus, a military man, and eminent upon account of his birth and riches, suffered martyrdom for Christ at Cæsarea in Palestine. A centurion's place was vacant; he put up for that office, to which he had a claim by the order of his promotions. When he was about to receive that honour, another appeared before the tribunal, asserting, ⚫ that according to the ancient laws of the Romans, Marinus could not be admitted into that office, forasmuch as he was a Christian, and did not sacrifice to the emperors; and that the ' office did of right belong to him. Achæus the judge, being much moved, asked Marinus what ' were his sentiments. Perceiving, that he confidently affirmed he was a Christian, he allowed him the space of three hours to consider of the matter. When the three hours were expired, he returned to the tribunal. And when called upon again to deliver his sentiments, he made • a profession of the faith with greater cheerfulness than before. Whereupon he was immediately had out to be put to death, and so was perfected.'

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Eusebius adds, Then Asturius, who is still celebrated for religious zeal and courage, a Roman senator, and in esteem with the emperors, who was present at the death of the martyr, taking up the body, laid it upon his shoulders, and covering it with a rich cloth carried it off, and interred him in a decent manner.'

Mr. Mosheim's observations upon this remarkable history are to this purpose.

• Marinus ⚫ was not condemned by the edict of Valerian, which had been abrogated by Gallienus, but by the ancient law of Trajan: for an accuser was received. The man who confessed himself to be a Christian was required to renounce the faith: when he would not, he was without delay led out to punishment. In this instance therefore it is apparent, that the ancient laws of the emperors against the Christians still retained their force, though milder had been enacted: And therefore under merciful emperors, who were lovers of peace, the presidents might punish Christians, who were accused, and confessed themselves such. The body of Marinus was carried off by Asturius, a Roman senator, and buried: nor did he suffer for it: the reason is, that by Trajan's law the judge had no right to punish any but such as were accused: and there was nobody who was willing, or who dared to accuse so considerable and honourable a man as Asturius was.'

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a S. Cyprian. Vit. p. 9, 10.

If any are desirous to see the history of this bishop of Carthage more at large, they may consult Vol. ii. p. 3-9. L. vii. cap. 15.

d Χρισιανῳ γε οντι, και τοις βασιλευσι μη θυοντι. Ib. p. 263. C.

e Ibid. cap. 16.

f De Reb. &c. p. 557.

Ex hoc igitur exemplo liquet, antiquas Imperatorum in Christianos leges, aliis etiam et mitioribus latis, vim suam re

tinuisse, et Præsides propterea etiam sub elementibus Imperatoribus, pacisque temporibus, in Christianos accusatos et fassos animadvertere potuisse. Cadaver Marini Asturius, Senator Romanus, vir maximæ auctoritatis, humeris suis auferebat, et sepultura tradebat; idque faciebat impune ac sine periculo. Ratio in promptu est. Sine accusatore judici non licebat punire ex Trajani lege. Tanti autem nominis et dignitatis virum, amicum præterea Imperatorum, nemo accusare vel volebat vel audebat. Moshem. ibid.

CHAP. XXXIII.

AMELIUS.

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1. His history and time. II. His testimony to St. John's gospel, with remarks.

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I. THE next testimony will be the noted passage of Amelius, a Platonic philosopher, fellowdisciple and intimate acquaintance of Porphyry, who wrote against the Christians. Amelius, as Suidas says, was of Apamea. Porphyry in the Life of Plotinus calls him a Tuscan: but then he expressly says, that when Plotinus died, Amelius was at Apamea in Syria: which may give occasion to think, that he was originally of that place, though perhaps he was born in Tuscany. Moreover Porphyry mentions a book of his inscribed to Hesychius of Apamea, whom he had adopted for his son. His proper name, as we also learn from Porphyry, was Gentilian: and he chose to have his surname written with an r, Amerius, as indeed it is in Eunapius, and not Amelius: the last in Greek denoting negligence, the former integrity. According to Porphyry's account, he was the most studious and laborious of all the disciples of Plotinus, with whom he spent twenty-four years at Rome, from the third year of Philip to the first of Claudius, that is, from the year of Christ 246, to the beginning of the year 269. Amelius" was a diligent observer of the sacred rites, which his master Plotinus regarded very little. I have placed Amelius at the year 263, because Porphyry' intimates, that he published little or nothing before the tenth year of Gallienus, when he had been eighteen years with Plotinus. This will suffice for his history.

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k • Amelius a celebrated

II. Moreover,” says Eusebius, in his Ecclesiastical Preparation, philosopher among the moderns, and a great admirer of the Platonic philosophy, though he • has not mentioned the evangelist's name, bears testimony to his doctrine, saying, in these very words: And this plainly was the Word, by whom, he being himself eternal, were made all things that are, as Heraclitus also would say: and by Jove the same, whom the barbarian affirms to have been in the place and dignity of a principal, and to be with God, and to be God: by whom all things were made, and in whom every thing that was made has its life and • being. Who descending into body, and putting on flesh, took the form of man; though even "then he gave proof of the majesty of his nature: nay, and after his dissolution he was deified again, and is God, the same he was before he descended into body, and flesh, and man.'

I suppose that all will agree with Eusebius, and other ancient Christian writers, that by the barbarian' Amelius intended the evangelist John, and that he here refers to his gospel.

• Άμελιος, Απαμεύς, φιλοσοφος, μαθητης Πλωτινε, διδασκαλος

Πορφύριο, συγχρονισας Αμμονίω και Ωριγένη. Suid.

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• Έσχε δε ακροαίας μεν πλειες· ζηλωίας δε και δια φιλοσοφίαν συνονίας, Αμελίον τε απο της Τυσκιας, ε το ονομα ην Γενλιλιανος το κύριον αυτος δε δια το P Αμεριον αυτον καλει, από της Αμερίας η της Αμελειας πρέπειν αυτῳ καλείσθαι λείων. Porph. de vita Plotin. cap. vii. ap. Fabr. Bib. Gr. T. iv. p. 104.

4 Τελευζωντι δε αυλῳ εδω μεν ὁ Πορφυριος ελυίχανον εν Λιλυβαίῳ διατριβων, Αμελιος δε εν Απαμεία της Συρίας. Ib. cap. 2. p. 95.

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& Ιε5 ινῳ Ησυχιῳ τῳ Απαμει, εν υἱον εθείο, κεχαρίσαι. Ib. cap. 3. p. 98.

f - φιλοπονία δε ύπερβαλλόμενος των κατ' αυτον πανίων. Ib. cap. 3. p. 98.

8 Προήλθε δε αυτῳ ὁ Αμελιος, τρίτον ετος αδοντι εν Ρώμη κατα το τρίτον της Φιλιππε βασιλειας έλος, και αχρι του πρωία της Κλαυδια βασιλειας παραμείνας, είη όλα συγείουεν είκοσι και Τεσσαρα. Ibid.

* Φιλοθυία δε γεῖονοῖος το Αμέλια, και τα ιερα καλα νεμενιαν, και τας εορίας εκπεριιοντος· και ποτε αξιωνιος τον Πλωτίνον συν αυτῳ παράβαλειν, έφη εκείνες δει προς εμε ερχεσθαι, εκ εμε προς εκείνος. κ. λ. Ib. cap. x. 111, 112.

: Ibid. cap. 4. p. 99. Et Conf. cap. 3. p. 98.

* Εικοίως δηλα και των νέων φιλοσόφων διαφανης γείόνως Αμέλιος,ει και μη επ' ονοματος ήξίωσε το ευαίγελι Ιωαννα μνήμην ποιήσασθαι, επιμαρτύρει δ' εν όμως ταις αυτε φωναίς, αυτά δε ταύτα προς ῥημα γραφών. Και όλος αρα την ὁ Λοῖος, καθ ̓ ὁν αιει ονία τα γινόμενα εδινείο, ως αν και ὁ Ηρακλείτος αξιωσεις και νη Δι ̓ ἂν ὁ βαρβαρος αξιοι εν τη της αρχης τάξει τε και αξια καθεςηκοία προς Θεόν είναι· δι' ὁ πανθ' απλως γε[ενησθαι εν ᾧ το γενομενον ζων και ζωήν, καὶ ἐν πεφυκέναι και εις σωματα πιπίειν, και σαρκα ενδυσάμενον, φανταζειθαι ανθρωπον μεία και τα τηνικαυία δεικνύειν της φύσεως το μεγαλείον αμελει και αναλυθενία παλιν αναθευσθαι, και Θεόν είναι, διος την προ το εις σωμα, και την σαρκα, και τον ανθρωπον καταχθειναι. Euseb. Pr. Ev. L. xi. cap. 19. Ρ.

510.

He calls him barbarian,' because, though he wrote in Greek, that was not his native language, and he was of Jewish or Hebrew extraction: or, as Cyril expresseth it, he was a Hebrew of Hebrews, and not a Greek.

This passage of Amelius is a testimony to St. John's whole gospel, which, I think, he had read.

1. That he refers to the beginning of St. John's gospel is manifest. See ch. i. 1—4, and

ver. 14.

2dly. He also says, that the Word, after he had descended into body, and had put on flesh, even then he gave proof of the majesty of his nature.' Here Amelius must refer to the great works performed by our Lord, as related in the following parts of that gospel.

3. Finally, Amelius says, that after his dissolution he was deified again, and was the same that he was before he descended into body.' Here, I think, he had in his eye, John xvii. 5. "And now, O Father, glorify thou me with thy own self, with the glory which I had with thee before the world was." And ch. xvi. 5. “But now I go my way to him that sent me, and none of you asketh me, Whither goest thou?" Comp. ch. xiv. 4-8; and xx. 17; and other places.

Upon the whole I cannot but think, that Amelius had read over St. John's gospel from the beginning to the end.

This same passage is also quoted at length by Cyril of Alexandria, in his answer to the emperor Julian.

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It is likewise quoted by Theodoret in his work against the gentiles: he introduceth it in this manner. Plutarch also and Plotinus had heard of the sacred gospels. This is apparent from Amelius, who presided in the school of Porphyry: for he greatly admires the proëm to John's theology, saying, in these very words: "And this plainly was the Word.""

Here is some inaccuracy. Amelius did not preside in the school of Porphyry:' but he was an eminent man of the school of Plotinus, where Porphyry was also in great repute.

Theodoret from this passage of Amelius concluded, that Plutarch and Plotinus were acquainted with our gospels.' It is, I suppose, no more than a probable supposition. Theodoret might be hence led to think as much of Plutarch: but we cannot affirm it. We see no proofs of it in his works: nor can we certainly say, that Plotinus was acquainted with our gospels, or had read them. But I suppose it may be reckoned certain, that he had heard of the Christians, and had some knowledge of them. It is manifest from a passage of Porphyry, in his life of Plotinus, which will be alleged in the chapter of Porphyry.

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And it may be reckoned somewhat remarkable, that from the school of Plotinus we have so many testimonies to Christianity. One of his disciples was Porphyry, who wrote so learnedly and so bitterly against the Christians. Amelius, just quoted, who had read St. John's gospel, was another of the same school. And Longinus, from whom we shall also have a testimony, was well acquainted with those two disciples, and their master Plotinus. I think it may be hence concluded, that the learned men of that time had some knowledge of the Christians. Their reading and considering the sacred books of the Christians, depended upon their inquisitiveness, and openness to conviction, in things of religion.

Augustine speaks of a Platonic philosopher, who greatly admired the beginning of St. John's gospel, and said, "It deserved to be written in letters of gold, and to be set up in the most conspicuous place in every church."' Whether that Platonic philosopher was Âmelius, or another, we cannot say certainly.

Basil, in a homily upon the beginning of St. John's gospel, "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God," says, I have known many, who

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-Quod initium sancti Evangelii, cui nomen est Secundum Joannem, quidam Platonicus, sicut a sancto sene Simpliciano, qui postea Mediolanensi ecclesiæ præsedit episcopus, solebamus audire, aureis literis conscribendum, et per omnes ecclesias in locis eminentissimis proponendum esse dicebat. De Civ. Dei. 1. x. cap. 29.

1 Ταυία οίδα πολλες και των εξω το λεία της αλήθειας, μεία φρονενίων επί σοφία κοσμική, και θαυμάσαντας, και τοις έαυ Των συνταἷμασιν είκαλαλεξαι τολμησανίας. Basil. hom. 16. in Illud, In Principio erat Verbuni. Tom. ii, p. 134. A. B. Edit. Bened. 1722.

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are aliens from the word of truth, and boast themselves of their worldly wisdom, who have 'admired this text, and have also dared to insert it in their own writings.' Basil does not name them, and therefore we cannot say who they were.

CHAP. XXXIV.

LONGINUS.

1. His time and character. II. His testimony to the scriptures, with a curious observation upon a fragment ascribed to him.

1. SAYS Suidas: Longinus Cassius, a philosopher, master of Porphyry the philosopher, a man of great learning and exact judgment in things of literature. He flourished in the time of the emperor Aurelian, by whom he was put to death, as an accomplice with Zenobia wife

' of Odunatus.' After which Suidas mentions the titles of several of his works, and wrote many others.

Longinus Cassius. He is generally called Dionysius Longinus.

says, he

Suidas says, he lived in the time of Aurelian, who did not begin to reign before the year of Christ 270, and by whom Longinus was put to death. Tanaquil Faber says, that Suidas would have expressed himself more accurately if he had said, that Longinus flourished under Gordian, Decius, Valerian, Gallienus, and Claudius.' For, indeed, the reigns of most of the Roman emperors about that time were very short. Tanaquil Faber adds: and therefore Longinus was contemporary with Origen:' which also is another just observation. Photius says, that d Longinus flourished in the time of Claudius, whose reign began in the year 628. I place him at the year of Christ 264, the twelfth of Gallienus: for he did not die before the year 273; and he could not then be young, as may be concluded from the number of his works: and he is always reckoned one of Porphyry's masters.

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His father's name is not known. • His mother was Frontonis, sister of Fronto, of Emesa, the orator, who was at Rome in the time of the emperor Severus, and afterwards taught rhe'torick at Athens: where he died when he was about sixty years of age, leaving Longinus the ' critic his heir.' So says Suidas. Nevertheless Longinus did not lose his parents whilst very young: they accompanied him in his travels; as we learn from a letter of his to Marcellus, a part of which is preserved in Porphyry's Life of Plotinus; whom he saw, and continued some while with Ammonius and Origen, probably meaning Ammonius Saccus, and our Origen, called Adamantius.

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Learned men are not agreed about the place of his nativity. Some think he was an Athenian others think it more likely, that he was born at Emesa in Syria, the place of his uncle's,. and probably of his mother's nativity. His connexions with Zenobia, to whom he was master in the Greek language, and privy-counsellor, are proofs of his being in that part of the world in

d επι Κλαύδια δε ειος ηκμαζε. Phot. cod. 265. p. 1470. e Suid. V. Φρονίων, Εμισηνος.

* Και αδελφής Φρονίωνίδος παιδα ονία Λούγινον τον κριτικον κληρονομον κατελιπεν. Suid. ut supr.

8 · ὡς ἁπανίας μεν ὑπῆρξεν ιδειν ἡμιν, δια την εκ παίδων επί πολλές τόπες άμα τοις γονευσιν επιδημίαν. De Vit. Plot, cap. 20. p. 127. h Vid. ib. p. 128.

De patriâ Longini inter doctos multum disputatur: sed mihi quidem placet J. Jonsii conjectura, qui eum Atheniensem censet fuisse. Z. Pearce de Vita et scriptis Longini. p. 1.

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the latter part of his life: and there is a letter of his written to Porphyry, when in Sicily, desiring him to come to him in Phoenicia. In his excellent remaining work, Of the Sublime, he reckons himself among the Greeks: and so he might do, and be born in Syria; the people of that country being often called Greeks by ancient writers.

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Eunapius says, that Longinus was esteemed a living library, and walking museum. had a kind of established authority to judge of ancient authors. If any man presumed to • remark upon an ancient author, his sentence was not allowed of till the judgment of Longinus ' was known.' Porphyry and Zosimus extol Longinus in the like manner.

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I must add, that Longinus is quoted by Eusebius in his Evangelical Preparation, where he calls him a writer of our time. By Photius, in the place before referred to, he is called Longinus the Critic. He is also mentioned by Jerom and Theophylact; and with a view to his distinguishing excellence, his critical skill, upon whose judgment the sentences of all others depended. Not now to repeat any thing of Suidas, I take notice of this as a proof of the taste and candour of our Christian ancestors; among whom, as well as among others, a judgment according to Longinus was a proverbial expression, denoting a right judgment.

Zenobia queen of the Palmyrens, who also called herself queen of the east,' contended with the Roman emperors after the death of her husband Odenatus, which happened in the year 267. In the end she was overcome, Palmyra was taken, and she also was taken prisoner: Aurelian' then sat in judgment upon her and her people in a place near the city Emesa; " when he determined to give Zenobia her life, and reserve her to do honour to his triumph. Many of her officers and counsellors were condemned to suffer death, and among them Longinus, who was supposed to have dictated a letter of Zenobia to Aurelian, written, as the emperor thought, in a haughty strain. It is manifest from Vopiscus, that this judgment of Aurelian was disliked by many. However, at this time Longinus shewed himself to be" not a philologer only, but a philosopher, and so died as to comfort those who bewailed his fate.

II. I now proceed to observe some testimonies in the writings of this great critic.

1. In his treatise of the Sublime, which we still have, but not complete, he says: So the lawgiver of the Jews, who was no ordinary man, having formed a just sentiment concerning the power of the Deity, he also declared it in a suitable manner, thus writing in the beginning of his laws: "God said: Let there be light, and there was light. Let the dry land appear, and

it was so.'

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Undoubtedly Longinus refers to the first chapter of the book of Genesis: and as he was convinced, that Moses was no ordinary man,' and openly declared his high opinion concerning him, it may be reckoned not unlikely that he had read over his Pentateuch.

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From this passage Casaubon, in his notes upon Vopiscus argues, that Longinus was a Christian, or much inclined to be so. But that does not appear: for Longinus' swears by the

Λογινος δὲ καλα τον χρόνον εκείνον βιβλιοθηκη τις ην εμψυχος, και περιπαίων μεσείον και κρίνειν γε τες παλαιος EleTaxio. Eunap. de Vit. Porph. p. 16.

4 Και ει τις καλείνω τινος των παλαιων, 8 το δοξάσθεν εκρατει προτερον, αλλ' η ΛοΓγινε πανίως εκραζει κρίσις. Ib. p. 17. Porph. de Vit. Plotin. cap. 14. p. 116. Cap. 21. p. 135. f Zos. lib. i. p. 659.

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8 - τα παρα ΛοΓγινῳ τῳ καθ' ήμας. Pr. Ev. lib. xv. p. 822. &c. Vid. et lib. x. cap. 3. p. 464.

» Ταυλη και ὁ των Ιεδαίων θεσμοθείης, εχ ὁ τυχων ανήρ, επειδή την τε Θεια δυναμιν κατα την αξίαν είνώρισε, καξέφηνεν, * Ου το προοίμιον Λογινος μεν ὁ κριτικος αιωνισικον νομίζει. ευθύς εν τη εισβολη γράψας των νόμων. ó Ειπεν ὁ Θεός, φησι. Cod. 265. p. 1470. Τι, Γενεσίω φως, και εξενείο γενεσίω γη, και εδενείο. De Sublim. cap. ix. p. 60. Toll.

Criticum diceres esse Longinum, Censoremque Romanæ facundiæ. Ad Rusticum ep. 95. al. 4. p. 776.

k Μη μοι εν τας Λογγινε κρίσεις περιαπίε, μη και δόξης τισιν αυτος γε 8 καλα Λογινον κρίνειν. Theophyl. ep. xvii.

1 επανελθών εις την Εμίσαν, εις κρισιν ηδα δε Ζηνοβίαν τε και τις ταυλη συναραμενες. Zos. 1. i. p. 659. in.

in Ingens tamen strepitus militum fuit omuium, Zenobiam ad pœnam poscentium. Sed Aurelianus, indignum existimans mulierem interimi, occisis plerisque, quibus auctoribus illa

9 Extat hodieque Longini wapi es libellus vere aureolus, ex quo semi-christianum fuisse, non male fortasse colligas, propter illud quod facit de Mosis scriptis judicium. Casaub. ad Vopisc. cap. 30. p. 486.

W58 11 785 D885: Ep. ad Porph. De Vitâ Plotini. cap. 19. p. 122. Et inter Fragment. ap. Tollium. p. 250. Ti yag w wpis OEWY. Ap. Euseb. Pr. Ev. 1. xv. p. 823. et inter fragm. p. 254. Toll.