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from the productive classes and equalizing
them with the unproductive. 1st. I propose
that a property tax (uot an income tax) be
levied on persons possessing real property
producing from 1007. to 1,000l. per annum,
5 per cent. be the amount levied, from 1,000.
and upwards 10 per cent. per annum, unless
your Lordship and your colleagues should
think a more graduated scale preferable.
From the nearest calculation I can make, this
would produce from 6 to 7 millions per annum,
taking the dividends on the funds and the
rental of the country together at 100 millions
per annum, which I should conceive was
below the actual amount.
This, in my

port; and taking it in a political point of view, I do not think that in a short time the defalcation of revenue would be much felt by Government, as there would be better houses built for tradesmen and others, and not such miserable hovels as we now see in the environs of this great city; so that the quantity of materials used, such as bricks, timber, slates, tiles, glass, &c. which all pay a duty, would in a short time compensate in a great measure for the amount taken off, besides saving the immense expense of surveyors, tax-gatherers, and others, in collecting the same, and which is most obnoxious to the people. Secondly, I propose a reduction of a moiety, if not the whole, of the malt duties, in order to give re-opinion, is the only real and legitimate mode lief to the agriculturists; for I believe it is of taxation when the necessities of the nation admitted by all who farm land as well as require it, as the burden would thus be laid possess it, that it would be a very desirable upon those who are best able to bear it, and boon. Thirdly, I suggest that the duty on who by this means would secure their infire assurances should be reduced or wholly comes, that is, their rents and dividends, taken off, as it comes very hard on the ho- whereas under the present system of taxation nest man who wishes to protect his little the energies of the people seem paralysed, no property, to pay 3s. in the hundred duty, when one embarking their capital without despair his real protection is only 1s. 6d. per hundred; at the result; and, melancholy to relate, their and now that I am upon the subject of fire, fears are too often verified. Might not a I cannot help calling your Lordship's atten-clause be introduced in the bill for persons tion to a paragraph in the Observer news- wishing to compound for a given time, say paper of the 28. November, 1830, it runs thus: 3, 5, or 7 years, in the manner of the assessed (We fear much that the outrages committed taxes; as, for example, a person possessing by rioters and incendiaries in various parts 5001. per annum, an abatement of one-fifth, of the country, have in this, as in many other whether improved or diminished, in the cases of panic and disorder, afforded the needy agreed time? I mean as respects houses and and the dishonest an opportunity of profiting lands. Your Lordship will readily perceive by acts of knavery and treachery), as fellow- that it would not only be a property tax but creatures we have no right to condemn till an absentee tax. The duties I have before proved to be guilty; at the same time, it is proposed to be taken off, upon a rough calculathe duty of every one to keep a watchful eye tion, would be a reduction of about four or five that he be not imposed upon. One would al- millions, thus leaving a surplus of a million most think that the great rewards offered by and upwards to constitute a real sinking fund, Government and others, would ere this, have or to diminish by so much annually the unbrought some of the wicked and diabolical funded debt, which capital would give a new incendiaries to punishment.* Fourthly, I re-life to commerce, a stability to Government, commend a reduction of duties on the necessaries of life, which bear heavily on not only the middling class, but the labouring poor, such as coals, candles, soap, &c., or whatever else you and your noble and right honourable colleagues may consider to be most beneficial. Retrenchment and reform as far as are consistent with the constitution and the welfare of the people, your Lordship and your colleagues are pledged to, not only in the face of England but of all Europe; therefore little need be said on so important a subject; that, no doubt, must be a work of time, but the reductions before mentioned might take place almost immediately after the recess. Your Lordship will naturally say that this person proposes a great deal to be taken off, and no doubt it would be a great relief, but how is faith to be kept with the public creditor upon that? I will endeavour to satisfy your Lordship's fears; by reducing the heavy burdens

The

and gradually restore the nation to that menacing attitude which it held before the late devastating and protracted war. I could add much more in favour of the measure, such as many who have thousands per annum, and live in apartments and do not contribute so much to the state as many mechanics, who, when they can get work to do, actually contribute more in a ratio of five to one. increase in the value of property I have no doubt would soon be felt by all classes, from the highest to the lowest, and the burden would hardly be felt by any, for, as I have before observed, those only who possess the property would have to contribute. 2nd. I suggest to your Lordship the renewal of the Small-Note Bill, under proper restrictions, and for a limited time, that is to say, every banker who may be allowed to issue his notes should be called upon to give security to Government for a moiety of the amount he intends to issue; and in order to render the holders of notes more secure, might not a Wrote prior to the special commissions clause be introduced in the act of parliament

being issued.

that Government should have power to issue

clined to act on the foregoing suggestion of abolishing the assessed and other taxes, and substituting a property tax in lieu thereof, your Lordship will readily perceive, in order to equalize it just and fair, leasehold property or annuities for terms of years, should only pay their relative proportion according to what may be levied on freehold or other permanent property.

an extent in aid in case of default, so that the property might not be wasted. It is natural to suppose that any person having the power to give such security as I have before mentioued, and being aware of their liabilities, will be guarded as to their issues; supposing the feeling of the country generally to be adverse to the proposition from what they have already suffered, and against the issue of any more notes, I have suggested this hint to show them that there is a possibility of their being Downing-street, 17. Dec. 1830. protected in a moiety of the risk they have in Sir, I am desired by Lord Grey to acknowtaking them if not the whole. 3rd. I pro-ledge the receipt of your letter, and to express pose that no foreign goods be brought into the his thanks to you for the communication.

country except in British ships, otherwise they should be subject to much higher imposts than at present exist; for I do conceive there can be no doubt that under the present law foreigners are draining the country of its wealth, and ruining its resources. 4th. And now my Lord, that while I have pen iu hand, I cannot help touching on what I consider a momentous subject, and that is the tithes ; I have been thinking, my Lord that a modus or commutation tax might be put on every acre, according to the value of the land, instead of the present system of tithing. My Lord, I must confess it is a subject which 1 am not very competent to dilate upon, but the complaints appear to be so loud and so general, that I conceive any other method than the present one would give satisfaction to the agriculturists and the people generally; the farmer would then be aware under what circumstances he takes his land, he would know the amount of the dues he would have to pay; and, in my opinion, his industry would not be so crippled. If your Lordship should have a similar idea upon the subject, I shall feel proud in having mentioned it. To conclude, should your Lordship favourably receive these ideas, so that they may be embodied and reduced into a tangible shape and pass into a law, I do conceive that this country would in a short time rise to that eminence that it would be a blessing to every honest and industrious well-meaning man to have been placed in it, and, I have no doubt, become the admiration of the world. ¡

I have the honour to remain, my Lord,

your Lordship's most obedient,

Dec. 15th, 1830.

1, Brunswick Cottages,

Stoke Newington-road.

humble servant,
WM. SADGROVE.

One material question I forgot to mention to your Lordship, viz., if your Lordship can assign any reason in equity why freehold property should not pay legacy duty as well as personal. Should your Lordship feel in

* A license for the amount intended to be issued of course would be necessary, and a penalty if exceeded.

I have the honour to be,

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COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

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VOL. 80.-No. 4.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 27TH, 1833.

DISTRESS OF THE COUNTRY.

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[Price, Is. 2d.

WOOD put them to the test: he really put them to the test, in a very clever and efficient manner, by moving as an addition to Lord ALTHORP's motion, a proposition," that the House would appoint a select committee to inquire into "the distresses of the country." Now, then, came the trial of the sincerity of the Ministers. They had got rid of the paper-money part of the proposition : they had got rid of that part of the Bolt-court, 25. April, 1833. motion which seemed to have frightened THE greater part of this Register is them so much; they had before them a occupied with the most material speeches proposition against paper-money, couthat were made upon Mr. Arrwood's pled with a proposition to inquire into motion; which was, "for a Committee the distresses of the country; and now to inquire into the state of general the reformed Parliament" divided "distress, difficulty, and embarrass-upon this, and the "reformed Parment, which now presses on the va-liament" decided against this also, "rious orders of the community; how by a majority of 271 against 154; "far the same has been occasioned by that is to say, by a majority of "the operations of our present mone- 117! Well done, reformed Partary system; and to consider of the liament !” My readers will all re"effects produced by that system upon member, that I always said, that this "the agriculture, manufacture, and REFORM was not to my fancy; but that commerce of the United Kingdom, I would give it a trial, and a fair trial: " and upon the condition of the indus- it is on its trial; and my readers will be "trious and productive classes." I am able to judge for themselves, with revery desirous that my readers should gard to the probable result of that have these speeches in their possession, trial. for they will frequently have to refer to There were several speeches that I them. The House came to a division should have liked to insert besides those on Thursday morning, at about three which I have inserted. The speech of o'clock, when there appeared: for the Mr. ROBINSON, the member for WORmotion, 139; against it, 331. So that CESTER; that of Mr. LAMBERT, memhere is the reformed Parliament's majo-ber for WEXFORD; that of Sir CHARLES rity against inquiring into the distresses BURRELL; and that of Sir JOHN WROTof the nation. After this decision, Mr. TESLEY. However, in the speeches ATTWOOD proposed an amendment to that I have selected, will be quite suffiLord ALTHORP's motion, which motion cient to a clear understanding of the was this: "That it is the opinion of doctrines and the motives prevalent in "this House, that any alteration of the this great debate. With regard to the monetary system of the country, causes and effects, Mr. ATTWOOD was "which would have the effect of low- completely unanswerable. The only ering the standard of value, would be point on which he could be answered "highly inexpedient." The reader will was the expediency of returning to onesee, that this was no answer at all to pound notes. His exposition of the Mr. Arrwood; that it was furnishing state in which the Bank and the curwith a mere pretence those who voted rency were at present left, clearly showed against inquiry altogether. This must that a change of some sort must be made be clear to every one. But Mr. ATT- in the money of the country. For

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though I, for instance, object to a re-eight-and-twenty shillings! I would turn to a depreciated money, or rather on no account give my consent to to a money more depreciated than the a return to a base paper-money, or money now is, I want something done to one-pound notes, on any condition to take from us the constant danger of whatever; but, surely, I would inquire a blowing-up, which exists, every hour how far a change in the value of money that we live, and which must take has been the cause of the present displace sooner or later, unless the present tress; and this for two reasons, first, to amoney system be changed. Therefore an expose the foolishness of those who inquiry into that was necessary, as well made the change, unaccompanied with as an inquiry into the causes of general measures to prevent its fatal conse distress. Mr. ATTWOOD showed, that, quences; and, second, in order to do according to their own statements in justice, as far as justice can still be done, evidence, the Bank had one million three to those who have been injured by those hundred thousand pounds in gold, to arbitrary and unjust changes. Howanswer its twenty millions of paper! ever, the most interesting part of this while fourteen millions were due to the debate was that which related to the poor savings-banks fools alone; and, extent of the distress which prevails in in short, that the whole thing, country the kingdom. The main object of the bank-notes, and all put together; di- Ministers, and of their majority of the vidends to fundholders, annuities from reformed Parliament," was, to deny insurance offices; that the whole the existence of any very great and exrested entirely upon this little driblet of traordinary degree of distress. And, gold, which, as things now stand, might choosing Mr. GROTE, one of the city be drawn out of the Bank in one day, Members, as the Choryphæus of this leaving the country without any mea- band of "comfort" chanters, they resure of value at all; which is only an- sorted to the old expedient of showing other word for leaving it without law that the comforts of the people had inand without property; and yet, not- creased, because the taxes on tobacco, withstanding this, the "reformed." tea, coffee, and sugar, had increased; House of Commons rejected his motion, because this showed that the people upon the pretence that he was aiming consumed more of these comforts than at some change in the money-system of they had done before; and because this the country! And it agreed, by an im- proved that they were better off than they mense majority, to the proposition of had been before. To this comthe Minister; and it resolved most fort" argument, the reader will, I trust, boldly, that it would make no change find a complete answer in my speech, that would "lower the standard of which followed that of Mr. GROTE; value!" Why, does not the "reformed beg the reader's attention to that speech, Parliament" know that a formidable and particularly to this part of it, which commotion in Kent, or in any other is complete; but it is by no means new county, particularly anywhere near to the greater part of my readers. Mr. London, would change the "standard POULETT THOMSON came with a faof value" in about four-and-twenty mous "comfort" speech, ready † prehours? The "standard of value" was pared, tables and all; but, as he came very much changed in the month of after me, his "comforting" tables May last, by only sticking up a placard could have had but very little effect telling people to "go for gold; " so upon aay man of plain understanding. that this "determination" of the "re-Mr. ROBINSON, the member for WORformed House" is a mere swagger, CESTER, Combated his "comforting just like the resolution that it came to tables by very sensibly observing, that in 1811, that a one-pound note and the increased consumption of tea, sugar, a shilling were equal in value to a coffee, and such stuff, might have arisen guinea in gold; when guineas were even from the increased misery of the actually selling at that same time for people, who, deprived of the means of

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providing solid food and substantial the debate. The opinions put forth and drink, had been driven to these flimsy persevered in by the Ministers showed slops, which they could purchase in that there was no change in the minds penny and halfpenny quantities. This of those who govern; and the decision was a good and solid argument, to of the House showed that there is no which nothing was offered in answer. change in the minds of those who are The great argument, however, is, that to give effect to their measures. Howe taxation does not sweep away out of the ever, a great deal of good has been done country, the means of purchasing arti- by Mr. Arrwood in giving rise to this cles of necessity, or of pleasure. It discussion: the people will not be deonly takes those means from the indus-ceived by the “comforting" tables. Mr. trious classes, and gives them to the POULETT THOMSON, if he have a mind ådlers; and this transfer by no means to put the thing to the test, will carry tends to diminish, upon the whole, the his tea and sugar tables, his horse and sources whence taxes are derived. My gig tables, and his canal-toll tables, and readers will recollect the many in-lay them before his constituents of Manstances in which I have said that I CHESTER, and tell them, that they are could see no grouuds for believing, to believe these tables, and not their that the poverty and misery of the peo-own bellies and backs: tell them, to ple would cause taxes to fall off. I re. their faces, that, so that tea and sugar member putting a case to illustrate my be consumed, it does not signify a straw, meaning; and I will find another now, whether they be consumed by the women which will leave no doubt in the mind on the pension list, or by the weavers of any rational man. Suppose the gen- and spinners of MANCHESTER ; tell them, darmerie of London, commonly called that it is even better for them, that they the police, to cost the people of London should be consumed by the women on six hundred thousand pounds a year. the pension and sinecure list; for that, They say there are twelve thousand of besides the honour of having their tea them, in and about London, and, if they and coffee consumed by proxy, and by a have a guinea a week a piece, which parcel of such fine ladies, the ladies reabout the sum which they cost, that lieve them from the trouble of making is about three times the sum that the the tea and the coffee, and leave them pay of an equal number of soldiers the whole of their time to weave and amounts to. However, here are spin, to earn more tea and coffee for six hundred thousand pounds to be them to consume! Let him go to MANpaid by London and its environs. In CHESTER; and, surrounded by BAXTER, consequence of this payment, those and SHUTTLEWORTH and DYER, tell his tradesmen will have less money to lay constituents that; and let him then reout upon comforts" they will have ceive their cheers and marks of their less means of smoking their pipes; joy at having him for a member. The and their wives less means of having speech of Sir ROBERT PEEL, my readers good strong cups of tea; and their will find, to have been a defence of himcoffee well sugared; but PEEL's and self and his bill of 1819. I had spoken GREY'S police, or gendarmerie, will before, and, therefore, could not answer have the six hundred thousand pounds! him; and I shall here not observe upon And will not they smoke the tobacco his defence, which is the less necessary, and have the good cups of coffee and of as I shall so soon (Tuesday next) have tea? Why, therefore, should the taxes an opportunity of doing it in a more fall off! Why might they not increase full and satisfactory manner. I recomamidst this depression and ruin of the mend to my readers to read his speech tradesmen and diminished consumption with great attention; but the only part of their families? And, then, what be-of it on which I shall make a remark, comes of the comforting tables of Mr. POULETT THOMSON.

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This was the most interesting part of

is, that part which contains an expression of surprise at my having introduced the expenses of the country, in a compa

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