3. TULL'S HORSE-HOEING 16. SERMONS.-There are twelve of HUSBANDRY; or, a Treatise on the Prin- these, in one volume, on the following subciples of Tillage and Vegetation. With an In-jects: 1. Hypocrisy and Cruelty; 2. Drunkentroduction, by WM. COBBETT. 8vo. Price 15s.

4. THE EMIGRANT'S GUIDE. Just now Published, under this Title, a little Volume, containing Ten Letters, addressed to English Tax-payers. A new edition, with a Postscript, containing an account of the Prices of Houses and Land, recently obtained from America by Mr. Cobbett. Price 2s. 6d. in bds. 6. THE WOODLANDS; or, a Trea-by tise on the preparing of the ground for plant-ing; on the planting, on the cultivating, on the pruning, and on the cutting down, of Forest Trees and Underwoods. Price 14s. bound in boards.

Reform.-Lines written at the Tomb of a A description of the country, of the principal

PATENT BRANDY versus PREJUDICE.

and is especially valuable to persons of biliout or dyspeptic habits.

Fifthly That, for the foregoing reasons, all

J. PATENT

selves that the unprecedented extent of sale and admitted superiority in the quality of their PATENT FRENCH DISTILLED BRANDY would, ere now, have wholly dissipated the prejudice which have been known to exist in the minds of many persons against Brandy manufactured in this country, and which, before the introduction of their article, was, perhaps, justifiable. If a patronage, as distinguished as it is extensive, including many thousand families of every rank and class of society in all parts of the kingdom, be any proof of merit, then has the PATENT BRANDY irresistible claims to universal support.

J.T. BETTS and Co. could well have afforded to rest their claims to the merit of having introduced an unrivalled production on such incontrovertible evidence; but they feel that the public, rather than them selves, are inte. rested in the announcement, that they are perfectly aware of the efforts still made by interested persons to depreciate the PATENT BRANDY; and to prevent the entire removal from the public mind of that injurious delusion, which, however weakened, still exists in a qualified degree. It is mainly with a view, therefore, to destroy the last remnant of this prejudice, that J. T. BETTS and Co. recall the attention of all classes to the consideration of the decided approval given by the faculty to their PATENT BRANDY-an approbation resting on the important facts contained in the following detail:

First-That "BETTS' PATENT FRENCH DISTILLED BRANDY" is the only known pure Spirit

in the World.

trinsic merits of the Patent Brandy, recommend it in preference to any other spirit for medicinal purposes.

Sixthly-That, for the like reasons, when used as an ordinary beverage, diluted (in the manner recommended by the first Physicians) in the proportion of one to six, it is infinitely preferable to Malt, and other fermentable liquors. Whilst it stands unrivalled for HOMB• MAde wines, confECTIONARY and Culinary purposes, where the absence of acids is an important requisite.

Seventhly That the PATENT BRANDY, either PALE or COLOURED, at the highest legal strength, is charged only EIGHTEEN SHILLINGS per Imperial Gallon, or little more than half the price of French Brandy.

And lastly-That the superiority of the PATENT BRANDY, as thus defined, is established by unanimous opinions, founded upon the results of various analyses made by the most celebrated Chemists; from whose certificates the three accompanying extracts are sélected.

EXTRACTS FROM THE TESTIMONIALS.

"Your Brandy is free from uncombined acid and astringent matter, which exists more or less in most of the Brandies imported from France. "JOHN THOMAS COOPER, Lecturer on Chemistry."

"To Mr. Betts."

"I am bound to say, and do assert it with confidence, that for purity of spirit this cannot be surpassed, and that your Patent Brandy is also quite free from those acids which, though minute in quantity, always contaminate the foreign spirit.

Secondly-That the dealers in French Brandy-who have always been the most inveterate, as they are the natural opponents of the PATENT BRANDY-have been repeatedly challenged in the public journals, by compa-« J. T. Betts, Esq." rison or otherwise, to disprove the foregoing fact; and as the vital interests of their trade bang upon its disproval, the sole aud just in ference drawn by the public, from their coustantly declining to accept the challenge, is, that THE FACT IS BEYOND DISPUTE.

Thirdly-That, whilst the PATENT BRANDY possesses all the valuable properties of the first class Cognac, it is free from the acids which even that fine spirit is known to coutain. Its superiority is still more marked over French Brandies of the second and lower classes, which are frequently mixed with considerable quantities of a spirit obtained from other products than the grape, containing a large proportion of acids, which tends seriously

to disorder the stomach.

Fourthly-That, in consequence of the freedom of the PATENT BRANDY from those injurious acids, its use is not attended with pausea or headach. And, as a necessary consequence of its extreme purity, it is found congenial to the most delicate constitutions,

"JOSEPH HUME, Chemist to his Majesty."

"I do not hesitate to express my conviction that your Patent Brandy is fully as free from everything injurious to health, and contains as pure a spirit, as the best varieties of Foreign Brandy.

"EDWARD TURNER, Professor of Chemistry in the University of London." John T. Betts, Esq."

J. T. BETTS and Co. deem it expedient to caution the Public against the many spurious imitations which abound both in Town and Country; and in consequence of the name of their Distillery having been their only Establishment is at No. 7, Smithpirated, it is further necessary to state, that field Bars (leading to St. John Street), where orders for Two Gallons and upwards will be promptly executed for Cash on delivery.

A liberal discount to the Trade.

Printed by William Cobbett, Johnson's-court: and published by him, at 11, Bolt-court, Fleet-atreet.

WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

COBBETT'S

VOL. 80.- No. 12.]

LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE, 22vd, 1833.

[Price, Is. 2d.

of the people were quite content with a› man's calling himself " A REFORMER." Let us, therefore, disregard these names, and talk about things.

The King has a right to choose his servants; a right as complete as that of the people to choose their representatives; and the Lords have a right equal to either of the other two, to reject any measure sent to them by the House of

CHANGE OF MINISTRY. Commons; and I shall, before I have

TO THE PEOPLE OF OLDHAM..

Bolt-court, 18. June, 1833.

done, show you that, if they had not this right at this moment, our situation would be most desperate, indeed. It MY FRIENDS, is supposed that they will reject certain Ir is not about a mere party matter measures which the Ministers are sure that I am now going to address you, to carry in the House of Commons but upon matters which concern the and, in case of such rejection, it is supwell-being of you during your lives, posed that the Ministers will quit their and of your children after you. It is places. It is supposed that, in the not of a change of Ministry, in any Lords, there is a majority of fifty against party sense of the word; it is not a the Ministers, the only remedy for which change which will have been produced is, the creating of peers in such numby any court-intrigue or cabal; it is (if bers as to overpower this majority, the it take place) a change which will have new peers being ready to vote with the been produced by the general feeling of Ministers. It must be very manifest to the people of the whole kingdom, in-you, that it would be quite as well to fluenced by the soundest judgment, and abolish the House of Lords.at once as by a sense of their own rights, and of to do this. Therefore, we are to regard the manifold wrongs that they have had the thing as impossible. to endure. I need hardly advise you, The next thing to consider, then, is, who have always shown so much sound the consequence of not making this discrimination, totally to disregard the increase to the peerage; and, that conappellations of Tory and of Whig. I sequence certainly is, the turning out of hate all party appellations: I hate the Ministers at no very distant day; Radical as much as the other party- for, whether this took place upon the names; because nothing is more delu- particular measure of the Irish church sive than the use of these names. or not, the Ministry could not go on, Nothing is more easy than for a man to call himself this, or to call himself that. Weak, indeed, are the people who place any reliance upon such ap. pellations. But, unfortunately, they have too great an effect with a considerable part of the people; and, at the last election, many and many a man was chosen merely because he called The Whig faction put forward high himself "A REFORMER." Instead of claims to the gratitude of the people on insisting upon his pledging himself to account of their having brought in the take off taxes, which was the chief thing Reform Bill, and caused it to be passed. that we wanted a reform for, a great part In answer to this claim, we say, that it

with such a majority against them. Now, then, the only question in which we are interested is this: whether it would be for the good of the people for the Ministry to be dismissed; and then will follow the question: what ought to be our conduct with regard to this matter?

N

does not exist; that they were compelled | try, have rejected them both. Nay, in to bring it in, or to bring in some mea- the case of the malt tax, the House sure of reform; that they could not have voted for the taking it off on the Fricome into power without promising to day; and, on the next Tuesday, upon do it, and that they could not have the motion of the Minister himself, it stayed in power if they had not done it; voted that it would not take it off. By that they did what they did very slowly a vast majority it rejected the motion of and very reluctantly; that they gave the vote by ballot. On the motion of what they gave very grudgingly; that, the Ministers, it passed a law for causing with the exception of abolishing the men to be tried in Ireland by military rotten boroughs, they made the bill as officers, instead of being tried by judges little as possible favourable to the rights and juries. These Ministers have proof the people; that they showed every posed to make us pay twenty millions disposition to shuffle out of a great part of money to those who have held the of what they had done; and that, if negroes so long in slavery, in order to they had not been held up to the mark induce them to let the blacks be only a by the formidable attitude of the people, little more free than they now are; they would, at last, have abandoned the these same Ministers have proposed to bill altogether, and have kept their make us pay another immense sum to places, if the Tories would have con- be given to the Irish clergy because sented to such a bargain. they cannot make the people pay tithes. We owe them, therefore, no gratitude Now, these facts are wholly unon account of the passing of the Reform deniable. No one thing have these Bill. Now, what did we want the Re-Ministers done to better our lot; and, form Bill FOR? It certainly was, that if they be suffered to proceed with it might do us some good; that it might their projects, they will have added better our situation ; that it might forty millions to the national debt cause us to be better off. And, how was during this one session of Parliament. it to do this? Why, by the lopping off of pensions, sinecures, grants, and other emoluments; by reducing unnecessary establishments; and by suffering us to keep our earnings instead of giving them to the tax-gatherer; and thereby to be enabled to live better, to have more and better victuals and drink, more and better clothes, better lodging; that we might be enabled to lead, in short, easier and happier lives. This was what the people wanted the Reform Bill for, and not for the gratification of any abstract or metaphysical whim. Now, then, has the Reform Bill brought us any of the things which we expected it to bring us? It certainly has not; and the Ministers tell us, that they have no intention that it shall. No taxes worth naming have been taken off tradesmen and farmers are in a state of ruin, and their work-people pressed down to the earth. Two things only have we asked: taking off the house and window taxes and the half of Well, then, can any movement of the the malt tax. This reformed Parlia-Lords make our situation worse? Is ment, at the suggestion of the Minis-there any cause for us to " arm our

There were many persons who expected, though I did not, that this Ministry and Parliament would have taken off the tax from newspapers; would have repealed the Six Acts, which they so much condemned when these Ministers were out of office; would have abolished some, at least, of the unmerited pensions and sinecures; would have done something to lessen the burden of tithes: many persons thought that they would do these things, at the least. I never did; but I did not expect that these Ministers would hardly be brazen enough to refuse to take off the malt tax and the house and window taxes; still less did I suppose that they would have added forty millions to the national debt in the course of one session of Parliament; and, less than all the rest did I suppose, that the first thing done by the first reformed Parlia ment would be the establishing of redcoat courts of justice in Ireland.