AND

away with a twelfth or thirteenth of his " ANNUAL PARLIAMENTS, UNI whole weekly income, and yet this "VERSAL SUFFRAGE, quantity for an artisan, his wife, and his "VOTE BY BALLOT." three children, is far from sufficient.

If he bought 2lbs. under the reduced duty, the gain to the revenue would be considerable. Whether this duty of one penny per pound on hard soap could be levied in poor, miserable, maltreated Ireland, it is not for me, but for your Lordship to say, but if it could, I firmly believe the Exchequer would lose little by the proposed change.

"(From Cobbett's Magazine.)

The saying which VIRGIL puts into the mouth of Chorabus is trans lated by DRYDEN aptly enough to have been studied as a motto for the Whigs:

"Let fraud supply the want of force in war." But the Trojan leader, along with his host, was the victim of his own stratagem; and the Whigs are likely to share

In conclusion, I would beg leave ear-a like fate unless they change their nestly to press upon your Lordship the mode of warfare. This line naturally policy of extinguishing the duty upon comes to memory on reading some artithe various vegetable oils which may be cles which have appeared of late in the used in the manufacture of hard soap, Edinburgh Review; which articles exespecially olive oil. It is known to hibit the most arduous rumagings of your Lordship that the soaps of France man's brain to find reasons, that we ever : and Spain, indeed most of the conti- saw in our lives. The object is, to show nental soaps, are produced by the union that further reform in the House of of olive oil with alkali, and that the Commons is not necessary; and it is but olive may be grown to an interminable just that as many as possibly can should extent, not only in the warmer climates do these articles the honour of reading of Europe, but in America, Asia, and them; because, if the writer have not Australia. Why then, I ask, should this made out the case upon which he country be solely dependent on Russia pleads, he has at least given one of the for the principal constituent of her soaps, finest specimens of what it is to exhaust tallow or, why should tallow be al-all a man's powers of arguing on one side lowed to supplant, in England, the ve- of a question; he is the most laborious getable? why should this be? especially and perspiring drudge of faction that when all consider that the supply of tallow from Russia must soon find its limit, and be inadequate to meet the increasing demand for this country, in which (I state the fact to your Lordship with poignant feelings of grief, but it is a fact which I have means superior to those of most men in this country of knowing), the supply of home-produced tallow, in proportion to the population, is every day decreasing, because, my Lord (I must speak out), the labouring classes are unable to live as they ought to do upon butchers' meat.

I have the honour to be, my Lord, your Lordship's obedient servant, THOMAS DOUBLEDAY.

ever took the implement of Grub-street in hand. The Ballot, in particular, seems to have given him the horrors ; and no reason that he can here find con. is so contemptible but it becomes a weighty fish in the Reviewer's net. The readers of these articles should, at the same time, turn back to another which appeared in the same Review in the year 1807, where they will see the question of reform handled in an equally masterly way (the labourer's task then being to show that no reform at all was necessary), and wherein that question was set at rest after the manner of Mr. Canning's setting-at-rest for paper-money: that is to say, so that it might only become a subject of livelier agitation at a future day. Perhaps some will say, that it is unfair to compare things which occurred so long ago with those occurring so lately, that the Edinburgh · Review's article of 1807 ought now to be

mere matter of amusement for political fore, to submit our observations to the antiquaries, and that it should already judgment of all moderate reformers, as be classed among things which con- a pretty numerous class of the nation noisseurs consider as of the "true an-are called. tique," and, consequently not to be In doing this we shall confine ourlooked upon as at all applicable to our selves as nearly as we can to the stateown time. We should think, however, ment of our own views, independently that this cannot be admitted in fairness; of what has been said by those with -because, while the Reviewer of Edin- whom we disagree. The invitation, burgh is one of great penetration and however, which the sophistry of the foresight, it is for the same faction, and Edinburgh Reviewer gives to expose to gain or keep the same profits in him, is almost irresistible. But we place, that he has all along been at have no room to notice him more than work. Besides, the difficulty of dis- generally to see through him comtinguishing between what is too old to pletely, one must read all he says; so apply and what is not, has been more we recommend our readers to look at strikingly proved by what this Reviewer the two last of his numbers, and essaid only a few weeks ago compared pecially at that for January, in which, with an event that has taken place even among many other things equally since that: we mean, the bitter taunt shameless, he says, in speaking of the of the Whig Reviewer at the Tories, Ballot, “The Ultra Tories have charging them with having incited the" brought many ills upon their country; Radicals to further reform, in order to“ they, and their natural allies, seditious produce a revolution, coupled along" mobs, in both parts of the empire, with the fact that the Tories and Whigs" may possibly add this to the catahave, since the date of that taunt, made logue.' The term "Ultra Tory," up again, like true brothers, and are at taken with those others which the conthis moment making a joint stand fusion in public opinion has given birth against the Radicals! Thus much let to," Ultra Whig," "Moderate Whig," us say, at the outset of our notice of" Ultra Radical," "Moderate Radical," further reform, just by way of a compliment to the consistency of its Whig opponents.

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&c., shows that the two pure factions that have been co-operating so long, are nearly at an end; and that, if men The above is, to some, a frightful would make any distinction between title to write under. But we prefer politicians as respects their principles, taking this to anything of the more it must now be between honest men moderate sort, if it be only out of further and rogues, whatever name they give compliment to the Whigs: for this, themselves; and this Reviewer seems "Annual Parliaments, Universal Suf- to claim a distinguished rank among frage, and Vote by Ballot," is only the the latter of the two. The Whigs, to extreme wish of a power, the influential charge the Tories with sedition; the fear of which brought the Whigs into Whigs, who bullied the Tories out of place, and placed a reforming Chancel-place so short a time since, and thrust lor on the woolsack. We were at first themselves in, by calling this same 'going to address ourselves, under this" seditious mob to their aid! The head, "To all honest Whigs;" but the Tories had the odium of holding all 'words were no sooner down, than we nominal power when the popular irrupstarted at the sight of them, and ran tion took place; and now the insolent our pen through them; not choosing Whig talks as if he (the rogue!) had to seem as if promising a string of no hand in bringing about that condition ironical jokes upon a serious subject, of the people which gave rise to the which our readers might naturally think necessity of compliance with the peowe were doing if they saw us connect-ple's demands. But did not the Whigs ing the idea of honesty along with the help to do all the worst acts of oppresname of Whig. We shall prefer, there- sion and cruelty: did they not, par

he

ticularly, among other things, praise and, looking the Government in the the employing of spies to carry on face, say, "We are wiser than you!” bad government, and vote for bills of If the lower orders" have done this, indemnity to avert the legal conse-it is the fault of the "higher” alone ; quences to a ministry who had broken because the "higher" have ruled the down the people's best safeguards in whole roast. There are many of the the law? "moderate" reformers whom we reContrasting the harm done by the spect, on account of the reasonableness Tories (they being ever assisted in it by of their views. But they have an unthe Whigs), along with the good done reasonable as well as a reasonable side. by the Whigs, we cannot, of course, Take a man, for instance, unconnected forget that greatest of all their good with any government squandering, deeds, the Septennial Bill; a law who has five hundred acres of land whereby every member of the House of belonging to him, and who knows Commons has a right to sit for nearly that, in case of a revolution, one quarter of an age, without his conmight possibly lose the whole of his stituents, having any means of calling property; this man has a good reason him to account. This sitting for seven for desiring to prevent anything tending years is a thing not to be argued upon to such a loss: he is interested, to be at all. There may be some dishonest sure, but he is not the less just as long politicians, who are interested in its as his interest does not clash with that continuance, some Whigs who would of the nation in general. His just mohave brass enough to look you in the tives for his own security, however, naface and defend it. All conscientious turally induce him to hold opinions and sensible men are agreed, that if the which are unjust towards the commuconstituency be such as are fit to judge nity in general. Blinded by his in.of a man's merits as a member of Par-terest, he does not see that, for the sake liament, and if the mode by which elec-of temporary quiet, he would only keep tions are conducted be good, that, then, up a system which makes the danger the duration of Parliaments and recur- of revolution everlasting. He has no rence of elections ought to be a mere matter of convenience, like the holdings of markets and fairs. And this is what the Parliament, as at present reformed, will very soon admit and act upon, or its present reformed state is likely to be of little benefit to the nation,

politics, in fact, but what the immediate necessities of his own fortune dictate. His thoughts for a nation's sake are applicable to some happy 'state of things which does not exist. Let such a man look back through the events of not many months past, and he will see that The great, and the only question in all the reform hitherto produced has fact, at issue on reform is, how far the come, not out of that moderation of people ought to be suffered to interfere which he is the advocate, but from that in the management of their own affairs; spirit of revolution which must ever be and this, we know, is a very ticklish a concomitant of immoderate use of question with the "moderate" reform-power in a government. Camot such ers. To much liberty among a nation a man see how much more secure he does, it is said, lead to anarchy; this would be, if the government he has to sort of excess, therefore, we admit, is depend on did not, as ours is incessantly exceedingly dangerous, since anarchy in doing, rouse a turbulent spirit with the a civilized state is infinitely worse than people? How can he wonder at the the quiet of barbarism. But what, people's impatience, knowing, as we all again, is to be said of a government, do, that there are hundreds of men, possessed of all but absolute control, and not of the "lower orders" alone, .which so manages the people's concerns who, while they feel obliged to profess as every now-and-then to cause the attachment to "established institu"lower orders" to force themselves, by tions" in public, talk pure republicanism violence, into power, and to start up, in their private lettings-out; how can

he wonder that the mere "ignorant" be thoroughly informed; because, while 2 should be unable to see enough differ- the whole of the time of the governors ence between a king and a president, is taken up in contrivances to deceive to reconcile them to an unnecessary those for whose good they affect to be squandering of tens of millions every thinking, the great majority of every year? nation, whether well or ill governed, The complaint of the laborious is, are, for the greater part of their time, that they have not their proper share occupied in ploughing furrows of land, in making the laws. To which we sowing and reaping crops, spinning and have heard some of the "political eco-weaving, forging metals, sawing boards, nomists" answer, and especially in handling bricks and mortar, navigating speaking on the question of piedges: vessels, or labouring in or superintend 1st. That the greater part of the people's ing some other of the various works of misery has been occasioned by their own industrious life. Here it is that ignomisconduct; and, 2dly. That listening rance does exist, that is, as to the acts to the popular voice has a revolutionary of a government which makes itself tendency. One or the other of these too responsible to the people by taking positions must be withdrawn: they can-all the authority into its own hands. not both be maintained but by two And hence it is that, under a despotie -courses of argument the very opposite government, a nation's wrongs are geto each other: the two together lead to nerally first announced to it through its a dilemma. We cannot, in one and the wants, that when the "Commons same breath, reproach the people with find out those grievances, they are imhaving abused their own discretion, and patient for redress, and that then is apt at the same time justify a government to take place that which moderate rein not having permitted that discretion formers are afraid of, namely, reform to be exercised, any more than we can by the means of a revolution. charge a man with a want of good faith have the most bloody revolutions taken in whom we have never placed con-place, but among those bands of slaves fidence. that have been the most cruelly op

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Where

is likely to become the consequence of it: they are first aroused by the effect itself operating upon them. It is in this view of government that we see the superiority in practice of the American representation over our own absolute rule. With the Americans we see that the government is not trusted to do too much of itself at a time without the people having an opportunity to take their own review of what has been done, and to approve or disapprove of it. That people are not left in ignorance or in a state of helplessness as to a bad measure, till all the harm of it falls upon their own shoulders.

The people must either take some pressed? The people do not perceive part in minding what belongs to them while an act of the legislature (such, in the state, and thereby be responsible for instance, as the Septennial Bill) is (for themselves, or they must leave it en-being done, what effect upon themselves tirely to others; in which latter case those others must be liable to be called upon for an account. There can be no practical good towards the nation in abusing the laborious as ignorant, mob, rabble, populace, or lower orders. For the country to be well off, any such mob &c., ought not to be; and if there is a class of the community to which such opprobrious terms can be justly applied, its existence can be the consequence of nothing but bad government. No; the people are not "ignorant" in these matters, excepting in one thing, as to which all civilized nations are more or less destined to be so, that is, in the true designs of those who hold, or aim at hold- But is it not necessary, we are asked, ing, the profitable office of administering that the people should place confidence what comes into the treasury. Of the true in their government? Most assuredly • intentions of such men the people at large it is. The Americans have always a under a bad government can hardly ever sufficiency of that feeling, and so must

every nation have that is really free. it being prevented by the readiness of But there is another sort of confidence nations to assert their rights, which we often hear called for, and particularly they would be sure to understand if when any extraordinary act of treachery they found inquiry of use to them. The is about to be committed; that is, what greater part of us belong to some branch old-fashioned twaddle calls “confidence of science, skill, or handicraft, and are in his Majesty's ministers ;" and this is necessarily mere plodders in our partia very different species of confidence. cular callings. We are not generally To rely entirely on any ministers would interested demagogues, and, whether be the same thing as trusting all to an honest or dishonest in private life, absolute power. Very different to rely trouble our heads with nothing beyond upon men chosen by yourselves to re- farming, carpentering, bricklaying, present you, and to rely on a servant shoemaking, tailoring, tinkering, and you do not know and who is chosen by so forth. But needs must, as the saying another. The fact which we have before is, when the devil drives; and though stated cannot be too often repeated, that the force of our own interest and habits abuses, even under the best governments, disposes us to think most about what arise insensibly; that the people is immediately belongs to us, so necessity hardly ever so alive to them as its now and then takes another turn, and interest would require. Looking at sinks the mere personal in the popular; the general history of all nations, bringing the smith from his anvil, and I with their revolutionary changes, the the clodhopper from his plough-tail, and last thing in the people that rulers can urges even the least knowing of us to find fault with is, the want of a respect that which caused humane Castlereagh for the rulers on the part of the people. to invent a new malediction for the Necessity has ordered that there shall tongues of tyrants to apply to the opbe at least enough of that respect. The pressed" basest populace "—because business, or the indolence, the personal they wanted to rebel. interests of individuals in all states, lower orders" are accused of make them less attentive to the public entertaining a want of reverence for good than they might be with profit. their superiors? Oh, unhappy times, Now, it is for this reason that we want when this was first discovered in Enga reform in England, by which we may land; such times as those which put be really represented that the people ROBESPIERRE and CASTlereagh into may be compelled, as the Americans power. The charge is even more false are by the spirit and practice of their than we could desire it to be, if there constitution, to look into the causes were ever one of the "lower orders" that are to affect their happiness; that did respect CASTLEREAGH, and if to raise obstacles to the inroads of such men as CASTLEREAGH are to be tyranny; to make suitable stands looked on as superior even to the lowest against aristocratical encroachment (if of the "lower orders."

So, the

we may give Mr. Canning's phrase Of all that should be guarded against such a twist); to arrest the state by a government as respects the feelings robber in limine, before he gets his of a nation, what is there so much to be hands amidst the public treasure; to apprehended as the existence of discocheck a wrong-doing government in tent in company with labour? The lazy its career of breaking good laws and and luxurious, indeed, may be disconmaking bad ones. It is the fault of tented without being able to say why. necessity, that a people isever too slow But labour is easily satisfied; it is conto rebel against unjust government; a tented with enough. Luxury, on the fact which several writers have ob-contrary, is never satisfied; having alserved, but which governments have ways had more than it wanted, it never taken care not to repeat. If there were knows what enough is. Happy paumore readiness to rebel, there would be perism is a thing not to be hoped for fewer cases of rebellion; the causes for but labour happy in plenty is what

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