Imatges de pÓgina
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the family. The family as of old does not rest upon individual sentiment; it rests upon foundations far deeper than the changeable sentiments of individual lovers. Loyalty to the social whole, rather than individual sentiment, is the keynote of the morality of Æschylus. The reason women do not make love in the dramas of Eschylus he himself gives in the following lines:

Your virgins, the fairest,

To brave youths the rarest

Be mated, glad life to prolong!

The happiness of the individual is not differentiated through introspection and set apart as an end in itself; it is found in loyalty to objective interests which have abiding institutional value.

In the Persians, Eschylus gave to his Athenian contemporaries his portrayal and interpretation of the battle of Salamis. We can imagine what effect it must have had on the Athenian stage in the fifth century. Here are portrayed the virtues which preserved Greece from Persian domination. The Persian herald reports that the Greeks enjoy freedom without a king:

Slaves are they to no man living, subject to no earthly name.

But this very freedom is made possible only because of the unity and solidarity of the Athenian city-state. "High authority" and "holy fear" are the foundations of freedom.

The famous funeral oration of Pericles as reported by Thucydides is one of the immortal things in literature because it voices in such an adequate way the

moral ideal of the Greek city-state at the very zenith of its development. The spontaneous solidarity of the Athenian social consciousness is set in contrast to the unity of Sparta which is built on arduous and painful discipline. The Athenian democracy had not given place to a selfish individualism, for all Athenians, says Pericles, are experienced judges of sound public policies. The individual mind was disciplined and elevated and widened by participation in a common city life. Conscience was civic as well as individual. Indeed the Athenians had not yet come to suppose that individual and civic ideals might be opposed to each other. Æschylus, who had fought at Marathon and Salamis, and not Euripides, the first "study-poet," held sway on the Athenian stage. Philosophers had not yet retired into the privacy of their own self-constituted "schools." The Athenian lived in the open; he sat on juries; he listened attentively and long in order that he might be able to vote intelligently on public questions. Public buildings were large; private houses were correspondingly small. So Demosthenes later on declares with infinite pride. An open political forum, such as the Pnyx; a common religious "open-house," such as the Parthenon; a hill, the Acropolis, overlooking the sacred battlefields of the common country; what an atmosphere in which to breathe politics and ethics! Philip of Macedon, says Demosthenes in his speech On the Crown, lost an eye, broke a collar bone, had a hand and a leg mutilated, and was willing to sacrifice any part of his body that with the remainder he might live in honor and glory. If, he continues, a man born at Pella, an obscure place, possessed such magnanimity,

what ought to be expected of Athenians who, day after day, in speeches and in dramas, are reminded of the virtues of their ancestors! The Athenian of the fourth century was linked in mind and heart with his race, his land, his city, and his ancestral gods. The organic unity of the individual and the state has perhaps been nowhere more clearly stated than in the speech attributed to Pericles by Thucydides during the plague occasioned by the Peloponnesian War. "It would be better," he says, "for individuals themselves that the citizens should suffer and the state flourish than that the citizens should flourish and the state suffer. A private man, however successful in his own dealings, if his country perish, is involved in her destruction; but if he be an unprosperous citizen of a prosperous state, he is much more likely to recover. States can bear the misfortunes of individuals, but individuals cannot bear the misfortunes of the state."

Such a confluence of tradition and enlightenment is a rare occurrence in the history of the race. And in the age of Pericles, there was no break between the new and the old. Hence the phenomenal result. Rhetoric and oratory made possible a more effective form of public speech; they had not yet degenerated into pedantry and empty display. The Greek drama was an open school of public morals. Enlightenment had not paralyzed the old instinctive patterns of the mind on which rested the social and religious institutions of the race. Philosophy had not separated itself from the old traditions. Nay, it found its very nature in organizing, in directing, in giving proper objective significance to the old ancestral patterns of the mind.

This blending of intelligence and tradition is clearly illustrated in the pre-Socratic religious ideal. The religious initiation of the adolescent had not come to center about the salvation of the individual regarded as independent of the entire social structure. The life of the individual was not regarded as separable even in thought from the life of the state. At eighteen the Athenian youth was given a spear and a shield. He changed his dress. He was trained in a military camp and at twenty years of age he became a full citizen. The emotions and the will were disciplined through participation in a common religious ritual. Our familiar reproductions of Greek statues are generally isolated fragments. In their original setting they were parts of choral dances, of orderly processions, of organized community action. There were no private religious beliefs. Life was not regulated by individual "intuitions." Nor had the individual come to think of his religious life as centering in a world to come. The religious sentiments which we read so clearly in the grave reliefs that have come down to us are built around the concerns of life here and now.

The same ideal runs through the old Greek educational ideal. There was a definite moral tradition embodied in the teaching of Homer and Hesiod. Definite types of music were used in the attempt to organize in the mind of the youth a definite system of sentiment regarding the family and the city-state.

The private self with which we are acquainted today is the result of the Socratic tradition, of the Christian emphasis on the inner life, and of modern individualism. In the Athens of the fifth century

every moral virtue had its objective, social, public aspect. Morality was personal as well as social, but personality had never been defined in terms which excluded the state. Classical morality put emphasis on those aspects of experience which seemed to constitute the best foundation of society; and in the eyes of the ancients this was the only way in which the life of the individual could be given worth and security. And the soundness of this view must be rediscovered by modern ethical thought if western civilization is to endure.

The fifth century was characterized by phenomenal progress. It advanced in its conception of history from Herodotus to Thucydides, from superstition and blind tradition to a definite scientific interpretation of historical facts. In philosophy there was the definite transition from myth to the rational formulation of life's problems. In literature the drama in which are mirrored moral and intellectual problems has taken the place of the old epic with its portrayal of objective deeds and events. Democritus was laying the foundations of science in his atomic theory and his dispassionate objective description of facts. Whether every distinct advance in creative thought necessarily brings with it elements of social disorganization we need not attempt to answer. The fourth century furnishes the answer to this question so far as Greece is concerned. But the fifth century saw the old ideals illumined but not destroyed by the new enlightenment. And even those who came after the process of moral and social disintegration had set in-Euripides, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle-received their moral and political inspira

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