leave human nature itself unchanged, can we expect them to be, but such as the inspired writers emphatically denominate the men of this world; men who "discern not the things "of the Spirit of God," to whom they are foolishness," because they are spiritually dis"cerned?" Is there a sane individual who dreams, that the state of things will ever be so completely reversed, as that the mighty, and the noble, and the rich, who have their portion in this world, shall prevailingly embrace the spiritual religion of the Son of God, and the meek be, in this literal sense, the inheritors of the earth? Whatsoever may be in reserve among the undiscovered glories of the Millenial age, no intimations at variance with existing facts are afforded by the apostolic writers. They, on the contrary, leave us under the full impression of our Lord's hard saying: “How

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hardly shall they who have riches enter into "the kingdom of God!" They call us to hearken to this appeal: "Hath not God cho"sen the poor of this world, rich in faith, and "heirs of the kingdom which he hath promised "to them that love him?" But what is the ef- James ii. 5. fect of the scheme of an Establishment? It is to place the poor at the absolute mercy of the rich, in the matter of their salvation. It is to constitute men of this world judges as to who are qualified, and arbiters as to who shall be

allowed, to convert sinners like themselves, and to preach that gospel of the power of which they exhibit their own ignorance. It is to make the care of souls a profession, nay a merchandize, for the right to save them is annexed to the disposable living! It is to exclude the will of the people from all share in determining whether the person to whose guidance they are called mutely to surrender themselves, shall be a shepherd or a hireling, although they are the only parties interested, and they are infinitely interested, in the alternative. It is, in short, to offer the highest secular inducements to the irreligious or insincere, to take upon themselves the awful responsibility of an office which they are alike incompetent and indisposed to discharge, to impose upon the nation as instructers, blind leaders of the blind, and to prostrate the Christian ministry at the feet of the world, and the god of this world.

The advocate of Establishments has, in discussions like these, one great advantage: he can make himself easily intelligible to persons of all descriptions of character; he has no occasion to advert to topics on which it is unavoidable for the Christian to give offence, and on which he can hardly expect that mere politicians should feel the force of his reasonings. Yet, topics of this nature, if we would view an

Establishment in its most important bearings, it is impossible to avoid. We must tell the politician plainly, that how well soever he understands his own business, he does not enter into the genius of the Gospel of Christ; that his institutions, exquisitely adapted as they may be to secular objects, are utterly useless as means of promoting the triumphs of Christianity in the salvation of man. The melioration of society, by every expedient which may develop the intellectual faculties of the individual, and give a salutary direction to his active powers, or which, by strengthening moral restraints, may subordinate his passions to the general good, is the noblest object which human wisdom can achieve; but when, not content with this the appropriate sphere of its legislation, philosophy, or that which assumes the name of philosophy, proceeds to tamper with the souls of men, it is in the very nature of things impossible that its schemes should prove otherwise than abortive. Whatsoever may be intended by the spiritual Babylon, whose destruction forms so prominent a part of the yet unfulfilled records of prophecy, whatsoever may be comprehended in her predicted fall, can we suppose that those who participate in her guilty merchandise, stand in no danger of receiving of her plagues? If not, although the infidel may treat with ridicule the

An Establishment includes the

virtual pu

Dissenters.

idea of drawing arguments from the Apocalypse, and Protestants may deem it a sufficient exoneration from the charge, that they trade neither in masses nor in indulgences, there is still a significance in the expression which should prevent it from being lightly passed over: among the unhallowed riches of the mighty city are enumerated" slaves and the "souls of men."

§ 10. A Fifth objection to the scheme of an Establishment, founds itself on a circumstance nishment of which, if not hypothetically necessary, is, according to the representations of the advocates for Establishments, highly expedient as a co-incident part of the scheme, viz. the exclusion of Dissenters from eligibility to civil offices, or what may be termed the virtual punishment of Dissenters. The words, virtual punishment, are used, because it has been denied that such an exclusion has any thing in it of a penal nature. Bishop Warburton has devoted a chapter of his famous treatise of the "Alliance between "Church and State," to proving that disqua lification by a test law, is only a restraint, and not, in the true sense of the word, a punishment; that at least it was not intended to be such, but only "becomes a punishment by "accident."

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To punish sectaries, in order to bring them "over to the national religion, is," says his

Lordship, plainly iniquitous; but to re"strain them from injuring the national reli

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gion, is evidently just. Therefore, had the "intention of the Legislature in this case been “doubtful, yet, a general law of a free people "would admit of no other interpretation." The only principle on which an established religion and (what he considers as necessary to its support) a test-law, are, in his view, susceptible of vindication, is that of civil utility. Were religion to be established and protected by a test-law, on the mere ground of its being the true religion, and opinions to be encouraged, or discouraged, as opinions, then, he acknowledges, that an Establishment would be, " 1. Unjust, Because," he argues, "the civil magistrate as such, hath no right to determine, "which is the true religion; this power not "being given him on man's entering into so

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ciety. Nor could it be given him; because

"one man cannot empower another to deter"mine for him in matters of religion. There"fore, he not being judge, and there being no "other to be found with authority to arbitrate "between him and the several schemes of reli

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gion, he hath no right to establish his own.

Again, it is unjust, because, were the magis"trate a competent judge of what was true religion, he would have yet no right to reward its followers, or discourage its opposers; be

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